The main events of the February Revolution of 1917. Abstract February Revolution. Causes, course of events, consequences

Sentinels guard the arrested royal ministers.

February revolution(Also February bourgeois-democratic revolution) - a revolution in the Russian Empire, the result of which was the fall of the monarchy, the proclamation of a republic and the transfer of power to the Provisional Government.

Reasons and prerequisites: economic, political, social

Society's lack of ability to influence government is limited opportunity State Duma and the lack of control of the government (and at the same time the limited powers of the government).

The emperor could no longer single-handedly decide all issues, but he could radically interfere with pursuing a consistent policy without bearing any responsibility.

Under these conditions, politics could not express the interests of not only the majority, but also any significant part of the population, which caused spontaneous discontent, and restrictions on public expression of protest led to the radicalization of the opposition.

The draft composition of the Provisional Government, represented by representatives of the Cadets, Octobrists and a group of members of the State Council. Edited by Emperor Nicholas II.

The February Revolution was not only a consequence of the failures of the Russian government during the First World War. But it was not the war that was the cause of all the contradictions that existed in Russia at that time; the war exposed them and accelerated the fall of tsarism. The war accelerated the crisis of the autocratic system.

The war affected the system of economic ties - primarily between city and countryside. The food situation in the country has worsened; the decision to introduce “food appropriation” did not improve the situation. Famine began in the country. The highest state power was also discredited by a chain of scandals surrounding Rasputin and his entourage, who were then called “dark forces.” By 1916, outrage over Rasputinism had already reached the Russian armed forces - both officers and lower ranks. The tsar's fatal mistakes, combined with a loss of confidence in the tsarist government, led it to political isolation, and the presence of an active opposition created fertile ground for a political revolution.

On the eve of the February Revolution in Russia, against the backdrop of an acute food crisis, the political crisis is deepening. For the first time, the State Duma came forward with demands for the resignation of the tsarist government; this demand was supported by the State Council.

The political crisis was growing. On November 1, 1916, at a meeting of the State Duma, P. N. Milyukov made a speech. “Stupidity or treason?” - with this question P. N. Milyukov characterized the phenomenon of Rasputinism on November 1, 1916 at a meeting of the State Duma.

The State Duma's demand for the resignation of the tsarist government and the creation of a “responsible government” - responsible to the Duma, led to the resignation on November 10 of the chairman of the government, Sturmer, and the appointment of a consistent monarchist, General Trepov, to this post. The State Duma, trying to defuse discontent in the country, continued to insist on the creation of a “responsible government” and the State Council joins its demands. On December 16, Nicholas II sent the State Duma and State Council for the Christmas holidays until January 3.

Growing crisis

Barricades on Liteiny Prospekt. Postcard from state museum political history Russia

On the night of December 17, Rasputin was killed as a result of a monarchist conspiracy, but this did not resolve the political crisis. On December 27, Nicholas II dismissed Trepov and appointed Prince Golitsyn chairman of the Council of Ministers. During the transfer of affairs, he received from Trepov two decrees signed by the tsar on the dissolution of the State Duma and the State Council with undated dates. Golitsyn had to find a compromise through behind-the-scenes negotiations with the leaders of the State Duma and resolve the political crisis.

In total, in Russia in January-February 1917, only at enterprises subject to the supervision of the factory inspection, 676 thousand people went on strike, including participants political strikes in January were 60%, and in February - 95%).

On February 14, State Duma meetings opened. They showed that events in Russia were beyond the control of the authorities, the State Duma abandoned the demand for the creation of a “responsible government” and limited itself to agreeing to the creation by the tsar of a “government of trust” - a government that the State Duma could trust, the Duma members were in complete confusion.

Subsequent events showed that there were more powerful forces in Russian society that did not want the political crisis to be resolved, and deeper reasons for the democratic revolution and the transition from monarchy to republic.

Difficulties in supplying the city with bread and rumors about the imminent introduction of bread rationing led to the disappearance of bread. Long queues lined up at the bread shops - “tails”, as they called it then.

February 18 (on Saturday at the Putilov plant - the largest artillery plant in the country and Petrograd, which employed 36 thousand workers - workers of the Lafetno-stamping workshop (shop) went on strike, demanding a 50% increase in wages. February 20 (Monday) Administration The plant agreed to increase wages by 20% on the condition that they “start work immediately.” The workers’ delegates asked for the Administration’s consent to start work the next day. The administration did not agree and closed the gun-stamping “workshop” on February 21. In support of the strikers, they began to stop on February 21. work and other workshops. On February 22, the plant administration issued an order to dismiss all workers of the Lafetno-stamping “workshop” and close the plant for an indefinite period - declared a lockout.

As a result, 36 thousand workers of the Putilov plant found themselves in war conditions without work and without armor from the front.

On February 22, Nicholas II leaves Petrograd for Mogilev to the Headquarters of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief.

Main events

• On February 24, demonstrations and rallies of Putilov workers resumed. Workers from other factories began to join them. 90 thousand workers went on strike. Strikes and political protests began to develop into a general political demonstration against tsarism.

Announcement by the commander of the Petrograd Military District S.S. Khabalov on the use of weapons to disperse demonstrations. February 25, 1917

• On February 25, a general strike began, which covered 240 thousand workers. Petrograd was declared in a state of siege; by decree of Nicholas II, meetings of the State Duma and State Council were suspended until April 1, 1917. Nicholas II ordered the army to suppress workers' protests in Petrograd
• On February 26, columns of demonstrators moved towards the city center. Troops were brought into the streets, but the soldiers began to refuse to shoot at the workers. There were several clashes with the police, and by evening the police cleared the city center of demonstrators.
• On February 27 (March 12), early in the morning, an armed uprising of soldiers of the Petrograd garrison began - the training team of the reserve battalion of the Volyn regiment, numbering 600 people, rebelled. The soldiers decided not to shoot at the demonstrators and join the workers. The team leader was killed. The Volynsky regiment was joined by the Lithuanian and Preobrazhensky regiments. As a result, a general workers' strike was supported by an armed uprising of soldiers. (On the morning of February 27, the rebel soldiers numbered 10 thousand, in the afternoon - 26 thousand, in the evening - 66 thousand, the next day - 127 thousand, on March 1 - 170 thousand, that is the entire garrison Petrograd.) The rebel soldiers marched in formation to the city center. On the way, the Arsenal - Petrograd artillery warehouse was captured. The workers received 40 thousand rifles and 30 thousand revolvers. The Kresty city prison was captured and all prisoners were released. Political prisoners, including the “Gvozdyov group,” joined the rebels and led the column. The City Court was burned. The rebel soldiers and workers occupied the most important points of the city, government buildings and arrested ministers. At approximately 2 p.m., thousands of soldiers came to the Tauride Palace, where the State Duma was meeting, and occupied all its corridors and the surrounding territory. They had no way back; they needed political leadership.

• The Duma was faced with a choice: either join the uprising and try to take control of the movement, or perish along with tsarism. Under these conditions, the State Duma decided to formally obey the tsar’s decree on the dissolution of the Duma, but by decision of a private meeting of deputies, at about 17 o’clock it created the Temporary Committee of the State Duma, chaired by the Octobrist M. Rodzianko, by co-opting 2 deputies from each faction. On the night of February 28, the Provisional Committee announced that it was taking power into its own hands.

• After the rebel soldiers came to the Tauride Palace, deputies of the left factions of the State Duma and representatives of trade unions created the Temporary Executive Committee of the Petrograd Council of Workers' Deputies in the Tauride Palace. He distributed leaflets to factories and military units calling for them to elect their deputies and send them to the Tauride Palace by 7 p.m., 1 deputy from every thousand workers and from each company. At 21 o'clock, meetings of workers' deputies opened in the left wing of the Tauride Palace and the Petrograd Council of Workers' Deputies was created, headed by the Menshevik Chkheidze and the deputy chairman of the Executive Committee, Trudovik A.F. Kerensky. The Petrograd Soviet included representatives of socialist parties (Mensheviks, Socialist Revolutionaries and Bolsheviks), trade unions and non-party workers and soldiers. The Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries played a decisive role in the Soviet. The Petrograd Council of Workers' Deputies decided to support the Provisional Committee of the State Duma in the creation of the Provisional Government, but not to participate in it.
• February 28 (March 13) - Chairman of the Provisional Committee Rodzianko negotiates with the Chief of Staff of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, General Alekseev, about support for the Provisional Committee from the army, and also negotiates with Nicholas II, in order to prevent revolution and the overthrow of the monarchy.

Order number 1 disintegrated the Russian army, eliminated the main components of any army at all times - the most severe hierarchy and discipline.

The Provisional Committee formed a Provisional Government headed by Prince Lvov, who was replaced by the socialist Kerensky. The provisional government announced elections to the Constituent Assembly. The Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies was elected. Dual power was established in the country.

The development of the revolution in Petrograd after the overthrow of the monarchy:

• March 3 (16) - the killing of officers began in Helsingfors, among whom were Rear Admiral A.K. Nebolsin and Vice Admiral A.I. Nepenin.
• March 4 (17) - two manifestos were published in newspapers - the Manifesto on the abdication of Nicholas II and the Manifesto on the abdication of Mikhail Alexandrovich, as well as the Political Program of the 1st Provisional Government.

Consequences

The fall of autocracy and the establishment of dual power

The uniqueness of the revolution was the establishment of dual power in the country:

bourgeois-democratic power was represented by the Provisional Government, its local bodies (public security committees), local self-government (city and zemstvo), the government included representatives of the Cadets and Octobrist parties;

revolutionary democratic power - Councils of workers', soldiers', and peasants' deputies, soldiers' committees in the army and navy.

Negative results of the fall of autocracy

The main negative results of the overthrow of the Autocracy by the February Revolution in Russia can be considered:

1. The transition from the evolutionary development of society to development along a revolutionary path, which inevitably led to an increase in the number of violent crimes against individuals and attacks on property rights in society.
2. Significant weakening of the army(as a result of revolutionary agitation in the army and Order number 1), a decline in its combat effectiveness and, as a consequence, its ineffective further struggle on the fronts of the First World War.
3. Destabilization of society, which led to a deep split in the existing civil society in Russia. As a result, there was a sharp increase in class contradictions in society, the growth of which during 1917 led to the transfer of power into the hands of radical forces, which ultimately led to the Civil War in Russia.

Positive results of the fall of autocracy

The main positive result of the overthrow of the Autocracy by the February Revolution in Russia can be considered the short-term consolidation of society due to the adoption of a number of democratic legislative acts and a real chance for society, on the basis of this consolidation, to resolve many long-standing contradictions in the social development of the country. However, as shown further events, which ultimately led to a bloody civil war, the country's leaders, who came to power as a result of the February revolution, were unable to take advantage of these real, albeit extremely small (considering Russia was at war at that moment) chances of this.

Change of political regime

• Old government bodies were abolished. The most democratic law on elections to the Constituent Assembly was adopted: universal, equal, direct with secret ballot. On October 6, 1917, by its resolution, the Provisional Government dissolved the State Duma in connection with the proclamation of Russia as a republic and the beginning of elections to the All-Russian Constituent Assembly.
• The State Council of the Russian Empire was dissolved.
• The Provisional Government established an Extraordinary Commission of Inquiry to investigate the malfeasance of the Tsarist ministers and senior officials.
• On March 12, a Decree was issued on the abolition of the death penalty, which was replaced in especially serious criminal cases by 15 years of hard labor.
• On March 18, an amnesty was announced for those convicted for criminal reasons. 15 thousand prisoners were released from places of detention. This caused a surge in crime in the country.
• On March 18-20, a series of decrees and resolutions were issued on the abolition of religious and national restrictions.
• Restrictions on the choice of place of residence and property rights were abolished, complete freedom of occupation was proclaimed, and women were given equal rights with men.
• The Ministry of the Imperial Household was gradually eliminated. Property of the former imperial house, members of the royal family - palaces with artistic values, industrial enterprises, lands, etc. in March-April 1917 became the property of the state.

• Resolution “On the Establishment of the Police”. Already on February 28, the police were abolished and a people's militia was formed. 40 thousand people's militia guarded enterprises and city blocks instead of 6 thousand police officers. People's militia units were also created in other cities. Subsequently, along with the people's militia, combat workers' squads (Red Guard) also appeared. According to the adopted resolution, uniformity was introduced into the already created workers' militia units and the limits of their competence were established.
• Decree “On meetings and unions.” All citizens could form unions and hold meetings without restrictions. There were no political motives for closing unions; only a court could close a union.
• Decree on amnesty for all persons convicted for political reasons.
• The Separate Corps of Gendarmes, including the railway police and security departments, and special civil courts were abolished (March 4).

Trade union movement

On April 12, the law on meetings and unions was issued. Workers restored democratic organizations banned during the war (trade unions, factory committees). By the end of 1917, there were more than 2 thousand trade unions in the country, led by the All-Russian Central Council of Trade Unions (chaired by the Menshevik V.P. Grinevich).

Changes in the local government system

• On March 4, 1917, a resolution was adopted to remove all governors and vice-governors from office. In the provinces where the Zemstvo worked, the governors were replaced by the chairmen of the provincial zemstvo boards, where there were no zemstvos, the places remained unoccupied, which paralyzed the system of local government.

Preparation for elections to the Constituent Assembly

Immediately after the February Revolution, preparations began for elections to the constituent assembly. The most democratic law on elections to the Constituent Assembly was adopted: universal, equal, direct with secret ballot. Preparations for the elections dragged on until the end of 1917.

Crisis of power

The inability of the Provisional Government to overcome the crisis caused an increase in revolutionary ferment: mass demonstrations took place on April 18 (May 1), in July 1917. The July uprising of 1917 - the period of peaceful development ended. Power passed to the Provisional Government. The dual power is over. The death penalty was introduced. The failure of the August speech of the Commander-in-Chief of the Russian Army, Infantry General L. G. Kornilov became prelude to Bolshevism, since the elections to the Soviets that followed shortly after the victory of A.F. Kerensky in his confrontation with L.G. Kornilov brought victory to the Bolsheviks, which changed their composition and the policies they pursued.

Church and revolution

Already on March 7-8, 1917, the Holy Synod issued a decree that ordered the entire clergy of the Russian Orthodox Church: in all cases during divine services, instead of commemorating the reigning house, offer a prayer for the God-protected Russian Power and its Blessed Provisional Government .

Symbol

The symbol of the February Revolution was a red bow and red banners. The previous government was declared “tsarism” and the “old regime”. The word “comrade” was included in the speech.

Notes

Links

• On the causes of the Russian revolution: a neo-Malthusian perspective
• Journal of meetings of the Provisional Government. March-April 1917. rar, djvu
• Historical and documentary exhibition “1917. Myths of revolutions"
• Nikolay Sukhanov. “Notes on the revolution. Book one. March coup February 23 - March 2, 1917"
• A. I. Solzhenitsyn. Reflections on the February Revolution.
• NEFEDOV S. A. FEBRUARY 1917: POWER, SOCIETY, BREAD AND REVOLUTION
• Mikhail Babkin "OLD" AND "NEW" OATH OF STATE

Bibliography

• Archive of the Russian Revolution (edited by G.V. Gessen). M., Terra, 1991. In 12 volumes.
• Pipes R. Russian Revolution. M., 1994.
• Katkov G. Russia, 1917. The February Revolution. London, 1967.
• Moorhead A. The Russian Revolution. New York, 1958.
• Dyakin V.S. ABOUT ONE FAILED ATTEMPT OF TSARISM TO “SOLVE” THE LAND QUESTION DURING THE FIRST WORLD WAR. (Goals and nature of the so-called liquidation of German land ownership in Russia)

Photos and documents

By the evening of February 27, almost the entire composition of the Petrograd garrison - about 160 thousand people - went over to the side of the rebels. The commander of the Petrograd Military District, General Khabalov, is forced to inform Nicholas II: “Please report to His Imperial Majesty that I could not fulfill the order to restore order in the capital. Most of the units, one after another, betrayed their duty, refusing to fight against the rebels.”

The idea of ​​a “cartel expedition”, which provided for the removal of individual military units from the front and sending them to rebellious Petrograd, also did not continue. All this threatened to result in a civil war with unpredictable consequences.
Acting in the spirit of revolutionary traditions, the rebels released from prison not only political prisoners, but also criminals. At first they easily overcame the resistance of the “Crosses” guards, and then took the Peter and Paul Fortress.

The uncontrollable and motley revolutionary masses, not disdaining murders and robberies, plunged the city into chaos.
On February 27, at approximately 2 o'clock in the afternoon, soldiers occupied the Tauride Palace. The State Duma found itself in a dual position: on the one hand, according to the emperor’s decree, it should have dissolved itself, but on the other, the pressure of the rebels and the actual anarchy forced it to take some action. The compromise solution was a meeting under the guise of a “private meeting.”
As a result, a decision was made to form a government body - the Temporary Committee.

Later, the former Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Provisional Government P. N. Milyukov recalled:

“The intervention of the State Duma gave the street and military movement a center, gave it a banner and a slogan, and thereby turned the uprising into a revolution, which ended with the overthrow of the old regime and dynasty.”

The revolutionary movement grew more and more. Soldiers seize the Arsenal, the Main Post Office, the telegraph office, bridges and train stations. Petrograd found itself completely in the power of the rebels. The real tragedy took place in Kronstadt, which was overwhelmed by a wave of lynching that resulted in the murder of more than a hundred officers of the Baltic Fleet.
On March 1, the chief of staff of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, General Alekseev, in a letter begs the emperor “for the sake of saving Russia and the dynasty, put at the head of the government a person whom Russia would trust.”

Nicholas states that by giving rights to others, he deprives himself of the power given to them by God. The opportunity to peacefully transform the country into a constitutional monarchy had already been lost.

After the abdication of Nicholas II on March 2, a dual power actually developed in the state. Official power was in the hands of the Provisional Government, but real power belonged to the Petrograd Soviet, which controlled the troops, railways, post office and telegraph.
Colonel Mordvinov, who was on the royal train at the time of his abdication, recalled Nikolai’s plans to move to Livadia. “Your Majesty, go abroad as soon as possible. “Under current conditions, even in Crimea there is no way to live,” Mordvinov tried to convince the tsar. “No, no way. I wouldn’t like to leave Russia, I love it too much,” Nikolai objected.

Leon Trotsky noted that the February uprising was spontaneous:

“No one outlined the paths of the coup in advance, no one from above called for an uprising. The indignation that had accumulated over the years broke out largely unexpectedly for the masses themselves.”

However, Miliukov insists in his memoirs that the coup was planned soon after the start of the war and before “the army was supposed to go on the offensive, the results of which would radically stop all hints of discontent and would cause an explosion of patriotism and jubilation in the country.” “History will curse the leaders of the so-called proletarians, but it will also curse us, who caused the storm,” wrote the former minister.
British historian Richard Pipes calls the actions of the tsarist government during the February uprising “fatal weakness of will,” noting that “the Bolsheviks in such circumstances did not hesitate to shoot.”
Although the February Revolution is called “bloodless,” it nevertheless claimed the lives of thousands of soldiers and civilians. In Petrograd alone, more than 300 people died and 1,200 were injured.

The February Revolution began the irreversible process of collapse of the empire and decentralization of power, accompanied by the activity of separatist movements.

Poland and Finland demanded independence, Siberia started talking about independence, and the Central Rada formed in Kyiv proclaimed “autonomous Ukraine.”

The events of February 1917 allowed the Bolsheviks to emerge from underground. Thanks to the amnesty declared by the Provisional Government, dozens of revolutionaries returned from exile and political exile, who were already hatching plans for a new coup d'etat.

By the end of 1916, Russia was gripped by general discontent caused by war fatigue, rising prices, government inaction, and the obvious weakness of imperial power. By the beginning of 1917, almost everyone in the country was expecting inevitable changes, but they began as unexpectedly as in 1905.

On February 23, 1917 (March 8, new style - International Women's Day), groups of women workers began to gather in different areas of Petrograd and took to the streets demanding bread. There was enough bread in the city (in any case, there was a two-week supply), but rumors leaked to the masses about a reduction in the supply of food due to snow drifts (171 wagons of food per day instead of the norm of 330) caused panic and rushed demand. Many stocked up on bread and crackers for future use. Bakeries could not cope with such an influx. Long queues appeared at the bread shops, where people stood even at night. The government was unanimously blamed for what was happening.

In addition, on February 23, the management of the Putilov plant announced a lockout (the reason was the exorbitant economic demands of workers in a number of workshops). Putilov workers (and then workers from other factories) joined the women’s demonstration. Spontaneous pogroms of bread shops and food stores broke out. The crowd overturned trams (!!!) and fought with the police. The soldiers were persuaded not to shoot. The authorities did not dare to somehow prevent this.

The order of Nicholas II to use weapons to restore order in the capital was received by the commandant of Petrograd, General Khabalov, only on February 25, when it was already too late. Organized suppression failed. Soldiers of some units (mainly reserve battalions of the guards regiments located at the front) began to go over to the side of the demonstrators. On February 26, the elements of the riot got out of control. However, the parliamentary opposition hoped that the creation of a “responsible (to the Duma) ministry” could save the situation.

Rodzianko telegraphed to Headquarters Nicholas II: “The situation is serious. There is anarchy in the capital. The government is paralyzed... Public discontent is growing... It is necessary to immediately entrust a person enjoying the confidence of the country to form a new government.” The only response of the tsar (who clearly did not realize the true scope of the events) to this appeal was the decision to dissolve the Duma for two months. By noon on February 27, 25 thousand soldiers had already gone over to the side of the demonstrators. In some units they killed officers loyal to the tsar. On the evening of February 27, about 30 thousand soldiers come to the Tauride Palace (the seat of the Duma) in search of power, in search of government. The Duma, which so dreamed of power, had difficulty deciding to create a Provisional Committee of the State Duma, which declared that it would undertake “the restoration of government and public order.”

The Provisional Committee of the State Duma included: Chairman - Mikhail V. Rodzianko (Octobrist), V. V. Shulgin (nationalist), V. N. Lvov (center), I. I. Dmitriev (Octobrist), S. I. Shidlovsky (Octobrist), M. A. Karaulov (progressive), A. I. Konovalov (labor group), V. A. Rzhevsky (progressive) P. N. Limonov (cadet), N. V. Nekrasov (cadet), N S. Chkheidze (S.-D.). This choice was based on the representation of parties united in the “Progressive Bloc”.

A few hours before the creation of the Duma Committee, the first Council is organized. He appeals to the workers of Petrograd with a proposal to send deputies by evening - one per thousand workers. In the evening, the Council elects the Menshevik Nikolai S. Chkheidze as chairman, and left-wing Duma deputies Alexander F. Kerensky (a Trudovik) and M.I. Skobelev (a right-wing Menshevik) as deputies. There were so few Bolsheviks in the Council at that moment that they were not able to organize a faction (although the Bolshevik A.G. Shlyapnikov was elected to the Executive Committee of the Council).

At a time when two authorities arose in Petrograd - the Committee of the Duma and the Executive Committee of the Council - Russian Emperor was traveling from Headquarters in Mogilev to the capital. Detained at the Dno station by rebel soldiers, Nicholas II signed on March 2 the abdication of the throne for himself and his son Alexei in favor of his brother - Vel. book Mikhail Alexandrovich (declared his reluctance to accept the throne until the decision of the Constituent Assembly on March 3). Nicholas made this decision after his chief of staff, General Alekseev, supported by the commanders of all five fronts, declared that abdication was the only way to calm public opinion, restore order and continue the war with Germany.

Alexander I. Guchkov and Vasily V. Shulgin accepted the abdication of the Provisional Committee. Thus, the thousand-year-old monarchy fell rather quickly and quietly. On the same day (March 2), the Provisional Committee of the State Duma creates a Provisional (that is, until the convening of the Constituent Assembly) government, headed by Prince Georgy E. Lvov, close to the cadets, the former chairman of the Zemsky Union (Lvov), at the insistence of Miliukov, who pushed aside the Octobrist Rodzianko. at the head of the Council of Ministers on March 2, at the request of the Provisional Committee, was approved by Nicholas II; this was probably the last order of Nicholas as emperor). The leader of the cadets, Pavel N. Milyukov, became the Minister of Foreign Affairs, the Octobrist A.I. Guchkov became the Minister of War and the Navy, Mikhail I. Tereshchenko (a millionaire sugar manufacturer, non-party, close to the progressives) became the Minister of Finance, A.F. Kerensky became the Minister of Justice. (a lawyer who participated in sensational political trials (including the trial of M. Beilis), and as a deputy of the III and IV State Dumas (from the Trudovik faction). So, the first composition of the Provisional Government was almost exclusively bourgeois and predominantly cadet. Provisional Government declared its goal to continue the war and convene a Constituent Assembly to decide the future structure of Russia. Actually, at this point the bourgeois parties considered the revolution complete.

However, simultaneously with the creation of the Provisional Government, the unification of the Petrograd Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies took place. N. S. Chkheidze became the chairman of the united Petrosoviet. The leaders of the Petrograd Soviet did not dare to take full power into their own hands, fearing that without the Duma they would not be able to cope with public administration in conditions of war and economic ruin. The ideological attitudes of the Mensheviks and, partly, the Socialist Revolutionaries, who predominated in the Petrograd Soviet, also played a role. They believed that the end of the bourgeois-democratic revolution was the work of the bourgeois parties united around the Provisional Government. Therefore, the Petrograd Soviet, which at that time had real power in the capital, decided to provide conditional support to the Provisional Government, subject to the proclamation of Russia as a republic, political amnesty and the convening of the Constituent Assembly. The Soviets exerted powerful pressure from the “left” on the Provisional Government and did not always take into account the decisions of the cabinet of ministers (which included only one socialist, Minister of Justice A.F. Kerensky).

Thus, despite opposition from the Provisional Committee of the State Duma, on March 1, 1917, Order No. 1 of the Petrograd Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies was adopted, calling on soldiers to create soldiers' committees in all units of the garrison, subordinate to the Council, and to transfer to them the right to control the actions of officers . The same order placed all the unit’s weapons at the exclusive disposal of the committees, which from now on “in no case” (!!!) should have been issued to officers (in practice, this led to the confiscation of even personal weapons from officers); All disciplinary restrictions outside the formation were abolished (including saluting), soldiers were allowed to join political parties and engage in politics without any restrictions. The orders of the Provisional Committee (later the Provisional Government) were to be carried out only if they did not contradict the decisions of the Council. This order, which undermined all the fundamental foundations army life, marked the beginning of the rapid collapse of the old army. Published at first only for the troops of the Petrograd garrison, it quickly reached the front and similar processes began there, especially since the Provisional Government did not find the courage to decisively resist this. This order placed all the troops of the Petrograd garrison under the control of the Council. From now on (that is, from its very creation!) The Provisional Government became its hostage.

On March 10, the Petrograd Soviet entered into an agreement with the Petrograd Society of Factories and Factories on the introduction of an 8-hour working day (this was not mentioned in the declaration of the Provisional Government). On March 14, the Council adopted a manifesto “To the peoples of the whole world,” which declared the renunciation of aggressive goals in the war, annexations and indemnities. The manifesto recognized only a coalition war with Germany. This position towards the war appealed to the revolutionary masses, but did not suit the Provisional Government, including Minister of War A.I. Guchkov and Minister of Foreign Affairs P.N. Milyukov.

In fact, from the very beginning the Petrograd Soviet went far beyond its city status, becoming an alternative socialist power. A dual power system developed in the country, that is, a kind of interweaving of powers: real power in a number of cases was in the hands of the Petrograd Soviet, while in fact the bourgeois Provisional Government was in power.

Members of the Provisional Government were divided over methods and relations with the Soviets. Some, and primarily P.N. Milyukov and A.I. Guchkov, believed that concessions to the Soviet should be minimized and everything should be done to win the war, which would give authority to the new regime. This implied the immediate restoration of order both in the army and in enterprises. A different position was taken by Nekrasov, Tereshchenko and Kerensky, who demanded the adoption of some of the measures required by the Council in order to undermine the authority of the workers' and soldiers' government and to create a patriotic upsurge necessary for victory in the war.

Political parties after February

After the February Revolution, the party and political system of Russia clearly moved to the left. The Black Hundreds and other far-right, traditionalist-monarchist parties were defeated during February. The center-right parties of the Octobrists and Progressives also experienced a severe crisis. The only large and influential liberal party in Russia were the Cadets. Their number after the February Revolution reached 70 thousand people. Under the influence of revolutionary events, the Cadets also went to the left. At the VII Congress of the Cadet Party (late March 1917), there was a rejection of the traditional orientation toward a constitutional monarchy, and in May 1917, at the VIII Congress, the Cadets spoke out for a republic. The People's Freedom Party (another name for the Cadets) set a course for cooperation with socialist parties.

After the February Revolution, there was a rapid growth of socialist parties. Socialist parties clearly dominated the national political arena, both in terms of membership and influence over the masses.

The Socialist Revolutionary Party grew significantly (up to 700-800, and according to some estimates, up to 1200 thousand people). In the spring of 1917, sometimes entire villages and companies signed up for the AKP. The leaders of the party were Viktor M. Chernov and Nikolai D. Avksentyev. The Socialist Revolutionary Party attracted people with its radical agrarian program close to the peasants, its demand for a federal republic and the heroic aura of long-standing and selfless fighters against autocracy. The Social Revolutionaries advocated Russia's special path to socialism through a people's revolution, the socialization of the land and the development of cooperation and self-government of workers. The left wing was strengthened in the AKP (Maria A. Spiridonova, Boris D. Kamkov (Katz), Prosh P. Proshyan). The left demanded decisive steps “toward the elimination of the war,” the immediate alienation of landowners’ lands, and opposed the coalition with the Cadets.

After February, the Socialist Revolutionaries acted in a bloc with the Mensheviks, who, although inferior to the AKP in numbers (200 thousand), nevertheless, due to their intellectual potential, exercised “ideological hegemony” in the bloc. Menshevik organizations remained disunited even after February. Attempts to eliminate this disunity were unsuccessful. There were two factions in the Menshevik party: the Menshevik-internationalists led by Yuli O. Martov and the “defencists” (“right” - Alexander N. Potresov, “revolutionary” - Irakli G. Tsereteli, Fedor I. Dan (Gurvich), who were leaders not only of the largest faction, but in many ways of the entire Menshevik party). There also existed the right-wing Plekhanov group “Unity” (Plekhanov himself, Vera I. Zasulich and others) and the left-wing “Novozhiznians”, who broke with the Menshevik party. Some of the Menshevik-internationalists, led by Yu. Larin, joined the RSDLP(b). The Mensheviks advocated cooperation with the liberal bourgeoisie, provided conditional support to the Provisional Government and considered socialist experiments harmful.

The Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries declared the need to wage war with the German bloc in order to protect the revolution and democratic freedoms (the majority of the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries declared themselves “revolutionary defencists”). For fear of a break with the bourgeoisie, because of the threat of civil war, they agreed to postpone the solution of fundamental socio-economic problems until the convening of the Constituent Assembly, but tried to implement partial reforms.

There was also a small (about 4 thousand people) but influential group of the so-called. "Mezhrayontsev" The group occupied an intermediate position between the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks. After returning from emigration in May 1917, Leon D. Trotsky (Bronstein) became the leader of the Mezhrayontsy. While still in the United States in March 1917, he spoke out for the transition to a proletarian revolution in Russia, relying on the Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies. At the VI Congress of the RSDLP (b), the Mezhrayontsy joined the Bolshevik Party.

The Bolshevik Party operating at the beginning of 1917 was not at all a cohesive, effective organization. The revolution took the Bolsheviks by surprise. All Bolshevik leaders known to the people were either in exile (Lenin and others) or in exile (Zinoviev, Stalin). The Russian Bureau of the Central Committee, which included Alexander G. Shlyapnikov, Vyacheslav M. Molotov and others, could not yet become an all-Russian center. The number of Bolsheviks throughout Russia did not exceed 10 thousand people. In Petrograd there were no more than 2 thousand of them. V.I. Lenin, who had been living in exile for almost ten years, was then in Zurich at the time of the February Revolution. Even in January 1917 he wrote: “We old people may not live to see decisive battles... the coming revolution...".

Being far from the epicenter of events, Lenin, however, immediately came to the conclusion that under no circumstances could the Bolshevik Party be satisfied with what had been achieved and not take full advantage of the incredibly successful moment. In Letters from Afar, he insisted on the need to arm and organize the working masses for an immediate transition to the second stage of the revolution, during which the “government of capitalists and big landowners” would be overthrown.

But among the Bolsheviks there were “moderates” who rejected almost all of Lenin’s main theoretical positions and political strategy. These were two major Bolshevik leaders - Joseph V. Stalin (Dzhugashvili) and Lev B. Kamenev (Rosenfeld). They (like the Menshevik-SR majority of the Petrograd Soviet) adhered to the position of “conditional support” and “pressure” on the Provisional Government. When on April 3, 1917, Lenin (with the assistance of Germany, who understood that his activities would be destructive for Russia) returned to Petrograd and called for an immediate socialist revolution, not only moderate socialists, but even many Bolsheviks did not support him.

Policy of the Provisional Government. The end of dual power

On April 4, 1917, Lenin outlined to the Bolshevik leaders his “April Theses” (“On the tasks of the proletariat in this revolution”), which determined a fundamentally new, extremely radical political line of the RSDLP (b). He unconditionally rejected “revolutionary defencism”, a parliamentary republic, and put forward the slogan “No support for the Provisional Government!” and spoke out for the taking of power by the proletariat in alliance with the poor peasantry, the establishment of the Republic of Soviets (in which the Bolsheviks were to achieve predominance), and called for an immediate end to the war. The article did not contain a demand for an immediate armed uprising (since the masses are not yet ready for it). Lenin saw the immediate task of the party as discrediting the authorities by all possible ways and agitation for the Soviets. The idea was extremely simple: the further, the more all the parties that took part in the government (that is, all up to and including the Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviks) would appear in the eyes of the people guilty of worsening their situation. Their former popularity will inevitably fade and this is where the Bolsheviks will come to the fore. G. V. Plekhanov responded to Lenin’s theses with a scathing article “On Lenin’s Theses and Why Nonsense is Sometimes Interesting.” The “Theses” were met with bewilderment by the Bolshevik leaders of Petrograd (Kalinin, Kamenev, etc.). Nevertheless, it was precisely this extremely extremist program chosen by Lenin, coupled with extremely simple and understandable slogans (“Peace!”, “Land to the peasants!”, “All power to the Soviets!”, etc.) that brought success to the Bolsheviks. In the spring and summer of 1917, the number of the party increased significantly (by May 1917 - up to 100 thousand, and by August - up to 200-215 thousand people).

Already in March - April, the provisional government carried out broad democratic changes: the proclamation of political rights and freedoms; abolition of national and religious restrictions, the death penalty, abolition of censorship (during war!); A general political amnesty was declared. On March 8, Nicholas II and his family were arrested (they were in the Alexander Palace in Tsarskoe Selo), as well as ministers and a number of representatives of the former tsarist administration. To investigate their illegal actions, an Extraordinary Commission of Inquiry was created with great fanfare (which brought scant results). Under pressure from the Soviets, the Provisional Government implemented the so-called. “democratization” of the army (in line with “Order No. 1”), which had the most devastating consequences. In March 1917, the Provisional Government announced its agreement in principle to create an independent Poland in the future. Later it was forced to agree to the broadest autonomy for Ukraine and Finland.

The Provisional Government legalized the factory committees that emerged at enterprises, which received the right to control the activities of the administration. To achieve “class peace,” the Ministry of Labor was created. In plants and factories, workers voluntarily introduced an 8-hour working day (in conditions when the war was ongoing!), although it was not decreed. In April 1917, land committees were created to prepare agrarian reform, but the solution to the land issue was postponed until the convening of the Constituent Assembly.

In order to gain local support, on March 5, 1917, by order of the head of the cabinet, provincial and district commissars of the Provisional Government were appointed in place of the removed governors and other leaders of the previous administration. In May-June 1917, a local government reform was carried out. The network of zemstvos was extended throughout Russia, their electoral system was democratized, and volost zemstvos and district city Dumas were created. However, soon local zemstvos began to be pushed out of power by the Soviets. From March to October 1917, the number of local Soviets increased from 600 to 1400. At the fronts, the analogues of the Soviets were soldiers' committees.

In these two months, the Provisional Government did a lot to democratize the country and bring it closer to world standards of democracy. However, the unpreparedness of the population for conscious freedom (which implies responsibility), the feeling of weakness of power and, consequently, impunity and, finally, the ongoing war with the inevitable deterioration of life led to the fact that the good undertakings of the liberals quickly undermined the foundations of the entire old Russian statehood, and the new principles of life we didn’t have time to get vaccinated. In this sense, we can say that February gave birth to October.

At the same time, the Provisional Government did not want to resolve the issues of eliminating landownership, ending the war, and immediately improving the financial situation of the people before the Constituent Assembly. This caused rapid disappointment. Discontent was aggravated by the lack of food (bread cards were introduced in Petrograd at the end of March), clothing, fuel and raw materials. Rapidly rising inflation (the ruble fell 7 times in value over the year) led to the paralysis of commodity flows. The peasants did not want to give away their harvest for paper money. Wages which had already fallen by about a third by the beginning of 1917 compared to the pre-war level, continued to fall at an unprecedentedly high rate.

Transport operations and, consequently, the supply situation have worsened. An increasing shortage of raw materials and fuel forced business owners to reduce production, which led to an additional increase in unemployment due to mass layoffs. For many, dismissal meant conscription into the army. The government's attempts to take control of the situation in conditions of revolutionary anarchy led nowhere. Social tension in the country increased.

It soon became clear that the desire of the Provisional Government to continue the war did not coincide with the desires of the masses of soldiers and workers who, after the February events, became the de facto masters of Petrograd. P. N. Milyukov, who believed that victory was necessary for Russian democracy to strengthen its international prestige and resolve a number of important territorial issues in favor of Russia - the seizure of Galicia, the Austrian and German parts of Poland, Turkish Armenia, and most importantly - Constantinople and the Straits (for which Miliukov was nicknamed Milyukov-Dardanelle), on April 18, 1917, he addressed a note to Russia’s allies, where he assured them of his determination to bring the war to a victorious end.

In response, on April 20 and 21, under the influence of Bolshevik agitation, thousands of workers, soldiers and sailors took to the streets with banners and banners, with the slogans “Down with the policy of annexations!” and “Down with the Provisional Government!” The crowds of demonstrators dispersed only at the request of the Petrograd Soviet, openly ignoring the government order to disperse.

The Menshevik-SR leaders of the Petrograd Soviet obtained official clarifications that the “decisive victory” in Miliukov’s note meant only the achievement of “lasting peace.” A.I. Guchkov and P.N. Milyukov were forced to resign. To get out of the first government crisis since the revolution, several of the most prominent socialist leaders from among the moderates were persuaded to take ministerial chairs. As a result, on May 5, 1917, the first coalition government was created. The Menshevik Irakli G. Tsereteli (one of the recognized leaders of the Bolshevik-SR bloc) became Minister of Posts and Telegraphs. The main leader and theoretician of the Socialist Revolutionaries, Viktor M. Chernov, headed the Ministry of Agriculture. Tsereteli's comrade-in-arms Matvey I. Skobelev received the post of Minister of Labor. Alexey V. Peshekhonov, founder and leader of the People's Socialist Party, was appointed Minister of Food. Another People's Socialist, Pavel Pereverzev, took the post of Minister of Justice. Kerensky became Minister of War and Navy.

At the First All-Russian Congress of Soviets (June 3-24, 1917) (out of 777 delegates, 290 Mensheviks, 285 Socialist Revolutionaries and 105 Bolsheviks), a new line of behavior for the Bolsheviks appeared for the first time. The best speakers of the party - Lenin and Lunacharsky - “rushed to the offensive” on the issue of power, demanding that the congress be transformed into a “revolutionary Convention” that would assume full power. In response to Tsereteli’s assertion that there is no party capable of taking all power into its own hands, V.I. Lenin declared from the rostrum of the congress: “There is! No party can refuse this, and our party does not refuse this: every minute it is ready to take power entirely.”

On June 18, an offensive began on the Southwestern Front, which was supposed to cause a patriotic upsurge. Kerensky personally toured a huge number of soldier rallies, convincing the soldiers to go on the offensive (for which he received the ironic nickname “chief persuader”). However, after “democratization,” the old army no longer existed, and the very front that just a year ago had made the brilliant Brusilov breakthrough, after some initial successes (explained primarily by the fact that the Austrians considered the Russian army to be completely disintegrated and left only very insignificant forces at the front) strength) stopped and then fled. Complete failure was obvious. The socialists completely shifted the blame for it onto the government.

On the day the offensive began in Petrograd and others major cities Russia saw powerful demonstrations organized by the Petrograd Soviet in support of the Provisional Government, but which ultimately took place under the Bolshevik slogans: “All power to the Soviets!”, “Down with ten capitalist ministers!”, “Down with the war!”. There were approx. demonstrators. 400 thousand. Demonstrations showed the growth of radical sentiments among the masses, the strengthening of the influence of the Bolsheviks. At the same time, these trends were still clearly expressed only in the capital and a number of major cities. But even there the Provisional Government was losing support. The strikes resumed and reached a wide scale. Entrepreneurs responded with lockouts. Minister of Industry and Trade Konovalov was unable to reach an agreement between entrepreneurs and workers and resigned.

Having learned about the German counter-offensive on July 2, 1917, the soldiers of the capital's garrison, most of them Bolsheviks and anarchists, convinced that the command would take the opportunity to send them to the front, decided to prepare an uprising. His goals were: the arrest of the Provisional Government, the first priority seizure of the telegraph and train stations, connection with the sailors of Kronstadt, the creation of a revolutionary committee under the leadership of the Bolsheviks and anarchists. On the same day, a number of cadet ministers resigned in protest against the compromise agreement with the Ukrainian Central Rada (which declared the independence of Ukraine on June 10) and in order to put pressure on the Provisional Government to toughen its position in the fight against the revolution.

On the evening of July 2, rallies were held among soldiers of 26 units who refused to go to the front. The announcement of the resignation of the cadet ministers further tensed the atmosphere. The workers expressed solidarity with the soldiers. The position of the Bolsheviks was quite contradictory. Members of the Central Committee and the Bolsheviks who sat on the Executive Committee of the Council were against any “premature” speech and restrained demonstrations. At the same time, many figures (M. I. Latsis, N. I. Podvoisky, etc.), citing the mood of the masses, insisted on an armed uprising.

On July 3-4, Petrograd was engulfed in demonstrations and rallies. Some units openly called for an uprising. V.I. Lenin reached the Kshesinskaya mansion (where the Bolshevik headquarters was located) by mid-day on July 4th. 10 thousand Kronstadt sailors with their Bolshevik leaders, most of them armed and eager to fight, surrounded the building and demanded Lenin. He spoke evasively, not calling for an uprising, but not rejecting this idea either. However, after some hesitation, the Bolsheviks decide to join this movement.

Columns of demonstrators headed towards the Council. When Chernov tried to calm the demonstrators, only Trotsky's intervention saved him from death. Fights and skirmishes broke out between the Kronstadt sailors, mutinous soldiers and part of the demonstrators, on the one hand, and on the other hand, regiments loyal to the Council (not the government!). A number of historians, not without reason, believe these events unsuccessful attempt Bolshevik armed uprising.

After the events of July 4, Petrograd was declared under martial law. Minister of Justice P. Pereverzev published information according to which Lenin not only received money from Germany, but also coordinated the uprising with the Hindenburg counter-offensive. The government, supported by the Council, spoke out for the most decisive action. Lenin, together with Zinoviev, hid near the border of Finland, in the village. Spill. Trotsky, Kamenev, Lunacharsky were arrested. The units that took part in the demonstration were disarmed, and Pravda was closed. The death penalty was restored at the front. Lenin wrote these days that the slogan “All power to the Soviets!” should be removed from the agenda while the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries, with whom the break was complete, remain in the leadership of the Council.

After the July events of 1917, Prince Lvov resigned and instructed A.F. Kerensky to form a new government. Negotiations between various political forces have been difficult: the government crisis lasts 16 days (from 6 to 22 July). The Cadets, who considered themselves victors, put forward their own conditions: war until victory, the fight against extremists and anarchy, postponing the decision social issues before the convening of the Constituent Assembly, the restoration of discipline in the army, the removal of Chernov, who was held responsible for the unrest in the village. Kerensky supported the “peasant minister” and threatened that he himself would resign. In the end, the Cadets decided to join the government, hoping to steer it in the right direction.

The second coalition government was headed by A. F. Kerensky (G. E. Lvov resigned on July 7), retaining the posts of military and naval minister. Socialists received most of the posts in the new government. The danger of the growing chaos and the need to curb it became clear to the leadership of the Council, which declared the new government the “Government for the Salvation of the Revolution” and endowed it (!) with emergency powers. Power was effectively concentrated in the hands of the government. It is generally accepted that after the events of July 3-5, dual power was ended.

On July 26 - August 3, the VI Congress of the RSDLP (b) was held, at which a resolution was adopted on the need to seize power through an armed uprising, preparation for which should be the main task of the party. At this congress, Trotsky’s “inter-district people” joined the Bolsheviks and a Central Committee was elected, which included V. I. Lenin, L. B. Kamenev, G. E. Zinoviev, I. V. Stalin, L. D. Trotsky.

General Kornilov's speech and its consequences

On July 19, in the wake of the reaction to the events of the beginning of the month, Kerensky appointed General Lavr G. Kornilov (a popular military general in the army, known for his toughness and integrity) as Supreme Commander in Chief instead of the more “liberal”, “soft” Alexei A. Brusilov. Kornilov was entrusted with the task of quickly restoring discipline and combat effectiveness of the troops.

On August 3, Kornilov, explaining that the growing economic paralysis was threatening the supply of the army, presented Kerensky with a program for stabilizing the situation in the country, which was based on the idea of ​​​​an “army in the trenches, an army in the rear and an army of railway workers,” and all three were to be subjected to iron discipline . In the army, it was planned to fully restore the disciplinary power of commanders, sharply limit the powers of commissars and soldiers' committees, and introduce the death penalty for military crimes for soldiers in rear garrisons. In the so-called The “civil section” of the program provided for the announcement railways and those working for the defense of factories and mines under martial law, prohibition of rallies, strikes and interference of workers in economic affairs. It was emphasized that “these measures must be implemented immediately with iron determination and consistency.” A few days later, he suggested that Kerensky reassign the Petrograd Military District to Headquarters (since Headquarters controlled only the Active Army, while all rear units were subordinate to the Minister of War, that is, in this case- Kerensky) for its decisive cleansing of completely decomposed parts and restoration of order. Consent to this was obtained. From the beginning of August, the transfer of reliable military units to the outskirts of Petrograd began - the 3rd Cavalry Corps, General. A. M. Krymov, Caucasian Native (“Wild”) Division, 5th Caucasian Cavalry Division, etc.

An attempt to consolidate the forces of the socialists and the liberal bourgeoisie in order to stop the slide into chaos was made at the State Conference in Moscow on August 12-15 (the Bolsheviks did not participate in it). The meeting was attended by representatives of the bourgeoisie, high clergy, officers and generals, former deputies State Dumas, leadership of the Soviets. State The meeting made obvious the growing popularity of Kornilov, for whom on August 13 Muscovites gave a triumphal welcome at the station, and on the 14th the delegates of the meeting vigorously welcomed his speech. In his speech, he once again emphasized that “there should be no difference between the front and the rear regarding the severity of the regime necessary to save the country.”

Returning to Headquarters after the Moscow meeting, Kornilov, encouraged by the “right-wing” cadets and supported by the Union of Officers, decided to attempt a coup. Kornilov believed that the fall of Riga (August 21) would become a justification for gathering troops to the capital, and demonstrations in Petrograd on the occasion of the six-month “anniversary” of the February Revolution would give him the necessary pretext to restore order.

After the dispersal of the Petrograd Soviet and the dissolution of the Provisional Government, Kornilov intended to put the People's Defense Council at the head of the country (chairman - General L. G. Kornilov, fellow chairman - A. F. Kerensky, members - General M. V. Alekseev, Admiral A. V. Kolchak , B.V. Savinkov, M.M. Filonenko). Under the Council there should have been a government with broad representation of political forces: from the Tsar’s minister N.N. Pokrovsky to G.V. Plekhanov. Through intermediaries, Kornilov negotiated with Kerensky, trying to achieve a peaceful transfer of full power to him.

On August 23, 1917, at a meeting at Headquarters, agreement was reached on all issues. On August 24, Kornilov appointed general. A. M. Krymov commander of the Separate (Petrograd) Army. He was ordered, as soon as the Bolsheviks made a speech (which was expected any day), to immediately occupy the capital, disarm the garrison and workers and disperse the Soviet. Krymov prepared an order for the Separate Army, which imposed a state of siege in Petrograd and the province, Kronstadt, Finland and Estland; it was prescribed to create military courts. Rallies, meetings, strikes, appearance on the streets before 7.00 and later than 19.00, and publication of newspapers without prior censorship were prohibited. Those found guilty of violating these measures were subject to execution on the spot. The entire plan was supposed to be put into effect on August 29.

So, from August 23, Kerensky knew about Kornilov’s plans, but mistrust and personal ambitions broke this tandem. On the evening of August 26, at a meeting of the Provisional Government, Kerensky qualified Kornilov's actions as a rebellion and demanded emergency powers, which he was granted. On August 27, an order was sent to Headquarters to remove Kornilov from office, in which he was recognized as a rebel. Kornilov did not obey this order and on the morning of August 28 broadcast a statement on the radio: “... Russian people! Our Great Motherland is dying. The hour of her death is near. Forced to speak openly, I, General Kornilov, declare that the Provisional Government, under pressure from the Bolshevik majority of the Soviets, is acting in full accordance with the plans of the German General Staff... killing the army and shaking the country internally. The heavy consciousness of the imminent death of the country commands me ... to call on all Russian people to save the dying Motherland. ... I, General Kornilov, the son of a Cossack peasant, declare to one and all that I personally do not need anything except the preservation of Great Russia and I swear to bring the people - through victory over the enemy - to the Constituent Assembly, at which they themselves will decide their destinies and will choose the way of life of the new state life. I am unable to betray Russia... And I prefer to die on the field of honor and battle, so as not to see the shame and disgrace of the Russian land. Russian people, the life of your Motherland is in your hands!”

While Kornilov advanced his troops towards Petrograd, Kerensky, abandoned by the Cadet ministers who had resigned, began negotiations with the Executive Committee of the Soviet. The threat of rebellion once again turned Kerensky into the head of the revolution. The railway workers began to sabotage the transportation of military units, and hundreds of Soviet agitators headed there. Armed detachments of the workers' Red Guard were formed in Petrograd. Bolshevik leaders were released from prison; Bolsheviks took part in the work of the People's Defense Committee against Counter-Revolution, created under the auspices of the Soviets. By August 30, the rebel troops were stopped and scattered without firing shots. General Krymov shot himself, Kornilov was arrested (September 1).

Kerensky moved on to attempts to strengthen his position and stabilize the situation in the country. On September 1, Russia was proclaimed a republic. Power passed to the Directory of five people under the leadership of Kerensky. He tried to strengthen his position by creating the Democratic Conference (which was supposed to be the source new statehood), and then the Council of the Republic.

The Democratic Conference (September 14-22) was supposed to host two important decisions: exclude or leave bourgeois parties in the government coalition; determine the character of the Council of the Republic. The participation of the bourgeoisie in the third coalition government, finally formed on September 26, was approved by a slight majority. The meeting agreed to individual participation in the government by leaders of the Kadet Party (since, in general, the meeting excluded from the government the parties that had compromised themselves by participating in the Kornilov speech). Kerensky introduced Konovalov, Kishkin, and Tretyakov into the third coalition government.

The Bolsheviks considered this a provocation, declaring that only the All-Russian Congress of Soviets, scheduled for October 20, had the right to form a “real government.” The meeting elected the permanent Democratic Council of the Republic (Pre-Parliament). But the situation in the country, the balance of forces after the defeat of Kornilov changed fundamentally. The most active right-wing forces that had begun to consolidate and were able to withstand the threat of Bolshevisation were defeated. Kerensky's prestige, especially among officers, fell sharply. Support for relatively moderate socialist parties also fell. At the same time (as, by the way, Lenin predicted back in April), the popularity of the Bolsheviks increased sharply, and they had to be legalized again. In September they took control of the Petrograd Soviet (Trotsky was elected chairman) and a number of councils of other large cities. On September 13, in “Historical Letters” addressed to the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b), Lenin calls for an early armed uprising. By the beginning of October, the position of the Provisional Government became hopeless.

Much later, Winston Churchill wrote: “For no country was fate as merciless as for Russia. Her ship sank when the pier was already in sight. It had already weathered the storm when the wreck came. All sacrifices had already been made, work was completed. Despair and betrayal overcame the authorities when the task was already completed...”

wiki.304.ru / History of Russia. Dmitry Alkhazashvili.

The approach of the revolutionary crisis hastened. Having lost 6 million people in a war that lasted more than two and a half years, Russia was a country with a war-weary people, a destroyed economy, a fuel and food famine, a frustrated financial system and a huge external debt.

The difficult economic situation prompted the government to involve bourgeoisie. Numerous committees and bourgeois unions appeared, the purpose of which was to provide assistance to those affected during the war. Military-industrial committees dealt with issues of defense, fuel, transport, food, etc.

A “ministerial leapfrog” began - six months before the start of the revolution, three Chairmen of the Council of Ministers, two Ministers of Internal Affairs, and four Ministers of Agriculture were replaced. Over royal family had a detrimental influence G. Rasputin, which caused discontent both among liberals and upper strata society. All these facts were components of the “crisis at the top.” The inability of the bourgeoisie to govern the country became obvious.

At the beginning of 1917, the level of the strike movement reached a critical point. In January-February 1917, 676 thousand workers went on strike, making mainly (95% of strikes) political demands. The growth of the workers' and peasants' movement showed "the reluctance of the lower classes to live in the old way."

February 14 at the Tauride Palace A demonstration took place demanding that deputies of the State Duma create a “government of people’s salvation.” At the same time, the Bolsheviks, calling on the workers for a one-day general strike, brought 90 thousand people onto the streets of Petrograd. The revolutionary explosion was facilitated by the introduction of rationing for bread, which caused its rise in price and panic among the population. February 22 Nicholas II went to Mogilev, where his Headquarters was located. On February 23, the Vyborg and Petrograd sides went on strike, and pogroms of bakeries and bakeries began in the city.

The Bolsheviks, Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries united to jointly lead the revolutionary uprising.

With the slogans “Down with autocracy!”, “Down with war!”, “Bread!” demonstrators moved to the city center. More than 300 thousand people took part in the strike. On February 26, troops opened fire on demonstrators on Nevsky Prospekt.

Success of the revolution began to depend on whose side the Petrograd garrison would take. On the morning of February 26, soldiers of the Volyn, Preobrazhensky and Lithuanian regiments joined the rebels; they captured the armory and arsenal.

Political prisoners held in the Kresty prison were released. By the end of the day, most of the units of the Petrograd garrison had gone over to the side of the rebels.

The corps directed to suppress the demonstrators under the command of N.I. Ivanov was disarmed on the outskirts of the city. Without waiting for support and realizing the futility of resistance, on February 28, all other troops led by the commander of the military district, General S.S. The Khabalovs surrendered.

The rebels established control over the most important objects in the city.

On the morning of February 27 members " working group“At the Central Military-Industrial Committee, they announced the creation of a “Provisional Executive Committee of the Councils of Workers’ Deputies” and called for the election of representatives to the Council.

Nicholas II from Headquarters tried to break through to Tsarskoye Selo. In a situation of a developing revolutionary crisis, the emperor was forced to sign a manifesto abdicating the throne for himself and his young son Alexei in favor of his brother, Mikhail Alekseevich Romanov. However, Mikhail renounced the throne, declaring that the issue of power should be decided by the Constituent Assembly.

Along with his abdication, Nicholas II signed a decree on the formation of a new government. He appointed Prince G.E. as Chairman of the Council of Ministers. Lvov. On March 4, documents on the abdication and transfer of power to the Provisional Government were published. Autocracy in Russia fell.

February Revolution Reasons and reasons for the revolution

The causes of the revolution were the entire mass of those who stood before Russian society problems that were not actually resolved after the First Russian Revolution and significantly worsened during the First World War (agrarian, labor and national issues, the preservation of the class and autocratic system, the decline in the authority of the authorities, which lost the support of even the Duma and the nobility, the economic crisis and related including social deprivation, dissatisfaction with the continuation of an unsuccessful war, the rapid growth of a mass movement, etc.).

Three reasons for the February Revolution:

• shortages of bread in Petrograd that began in the second half of February 1917 (due to transport difficulties and rumors of a sharp worsening of the food crisis, which led to a significant increase in demand for bread);
• the workers' strike at the Putilov plant in Petrograd, which began on February 18, 1917, demanding higher wages;
• February 23, 1917 - spontaneous demonstrations of women workers dedicated to International Women's Day, demanding a solution to food problems, an end to the war and the return of their husbands from the front.

Main events of the February Revolution

1. February 23-26, 1917 - a strike at the Putilov plant and a women’s demonstration escalated into citywide strikes and clashes with the police, army and Cossacks (red flags and slogans “Down with the Tsar!” and “Down with the War!” appeared at the demonstrations, as a result of the clashes people are dying). Nicholas II, who was at that time at the headquarters of the high command in Mogilev, gave the order to stop the unrest in the capital.
2. February 27, 1917 - a turning point in the revolution:

• armed uprising in Petrograd: several government regiments killed their officers at night and went over to the side of the rebels, after which during the day the rebels throughout the city freed prisoners from prisons, seized weapons, occupied the Tauride Palace, where the State Duma met, and arrested the tsarist government;
• the emergence in the Tauride Palace of two bodies of new power: the Provisional Committee of the State Duma (from representatives of the “Progressive Bloc”, headed by the Octobrist M.V. Rodzianko) and the Petrograd Council of Workers’ Deputies (created on the model of the Soviets of 1905, headed by the Menshevik N. . S. Chkheidze). Advice

relied on mass support and real military force in the person of the Petrograd garrison 1. However, the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries who dominated it believed that they should not take power, since the revolution was bourgeois in nature and bourgeois parties should rule, while the task of the socialists was to control them.

On the night of March 1 to 2, the creation of the Provisional Government headed by G. E. Lvov (by agreement between the Provisional Committee of the State Duma and the Petrograd Soviet). Leading positions in the government were occupied by representatives of liberal parties - P. N. Milyukov, A. I. Guchkov, M. V. Rodzianko and others, the only socialist was the Minister of Justice, Socialist Revolutionary A. F. Kerensky. A dual power immediately arose between the Provisional Government (“power without force”, since it had no authority and trust in society) and the Petrograd Soviet (“force without power”, since it had broad social support of workers, soldiers, peasants, and relied on the Petrograd garrison );

Abolition of the monarchy: on the evening of March 2, Nicholas II, under pressure from the high military command, signed a Manifesto abdicating the throne in favor of his younger brother Mikhail, but on March 3, Mikhail abdicated in favor of the Constituent Assembly (the issue of the future form of government was to be decided at the Constituent Assembly).