"The Agrarian Question in the Politics of the RSDLP"
At the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, Russia was an entirely agricultural country, with
clear predominance of the rural population. Due to the difficult situation
tion that arose in the country, many political parties offered their
programs aimed at overcoming the crisis. Naturally,
a new point in any of these programs was the agrarian question, because from
it depended on whether approximately 90% of the country’s population would follow the party
The importance of the peasant question was also understood by the Social Democrats and agrarians.
This issue occupies one of the most important places in their program.
The purpose of this work is to trace the development of the views of the Social Democratic
Comrade on the agrarian question from the formation of the group "Emancipation of Labor"
until the 4th Unification Congress of the RSDLP.
The most important sources for studying this topic are protocols
Congresses of the RSDLP. Particularly interesting in this regard are the documents related to
related to the activities of the 2nd, 3rd and 4th congresses. These documents represent
are verbatim reports of the work of congresses. Of great advantage
these materials, like historical sources, is their prime
fixation of ready-made ideological principles that formed the basis of agricultural programs
ramm Bolshevik party, and reflection of the formation of these views in
process of frank polemics. These materials are devoid of any personal
subjective subjectivity, since they represent the result of a collective
creative creativity of a group of political like-minded people.
In my work I also use the works of G.V. Plekhanov “All-Russian
Russian ruin" and "On the tasks of the Social Democrats in the fight against the state
lodom."By their nature, these works can be classified as political
journalism. Regarding the general situation of the peasantry in Russia, Plekhanov
opposes populist illusions regarding land reorganization
tvu of Russia.
Other important sources on this topic are the works of V.I. Lenin
on, dedicated to the agrarian issue. They can be traced
a significant change in the Bolsheviks’ views on the agrarian question, as well as
projects of agricultural programs and attempts to change the program are presented
ramm. The following works by Lenin “Peres-
motr of the agrarian program of the workers' party" (1906), "Agrarian program
ma of social democracy in the first Russian revolution"
(1905-1907), "Report on the unification congress of the RSDLP" (1907), also
excerpts from other works are used.
In general, these sources fairly fully reflect the development of views on
agrarian question in the RSDLP and contain rich material on this topic
The problem of the agrarian question in the RSDLP program at different stages
the preparation of the revolution was very often touched upon in domestic
historiography, however, many works are devoted either to the problems of the peasantry
yanstvo during this period, or Lenin’s assessment of the situation in the agricultural sector.
Among the works devoted specifically to the agrarian question as part of the general
political and economic program of the RSDLP, used: Mamoluy
A.P. "V.I. Lenin on agrarian relations in Russia" (Kharkov 1960);
2) K. Nalkshin “The Peasant Question in the Works of V.I. Lenin” (Kuibyshev
1974); 3) S.P. Trapeznikov “Leninism and the agrarian-peasant issue”
grew up" (Moscow 1983). In all these works, the period under consideration is
changes in views on the agrarian issue are much wider than the scope of the report, it
ends, as a rule, with the October Revolution or even the period
NEPA.However, in all three works there is a clearly structured series of consistent
new changes in the agrarian part of the party program, with references to
various sources, many of which are discussed here.
The reform of 1861 was a turning point not only in the economic
development, but also in the entire socio-political life of the country. She
marked the beginning of a deep division of social forces in Russia, in
which resulted in the arena political struggle a whole one came forward
galaxy of new revolutionaries, a new major political
current-populism, Liberal populists, being the main ideological
the logs of the peasantry of the 80-90s, justified the moderate, reformist
ways to solve the agrarian question. All the needs of peasant life are
explained by landlessness, tax oppression and the lack of culture of the village, which
which, in their opinion, could easily be overcome through legislation
official acts of the tsarist government. However, specific requirements for
Populism did not give the agrarian question expressed in the program.
A turning point in the development of social thought in Russia was
creation in 1883 of the first Marxist organization "Liberation
labor", headed by G.V. Plekhanov, who revised his previous
views and switched to the position of scientific socialism. From this moment
that began a truly scientific development of agrarian-peasant issues
dew. The Emancipation of Labor group took the first steps in solving
agrarian-peasant issue expressed in the program. However, this
program is mainly dedicated to the working class, which is entrusted with
All the hopes of the first Marxists were dashed."Group 5" 0Emancipation of Labor"
does not at all ignore the peasantry, which makes up the bulk of
working population of Russia, says the program, but it is half-
says that the work of the intelligentsia, especially under modern conditions,
in social and political struggles, must first be directed
to a more developed layer of this population, which are industrial
51 0Thus, we see that the main revolutionary
"Having secured strong support among this layer, social intelligence
the licence, with much greater hope of success, can spread
its impact on the peasantry, especially if it achieves
that time of freedom of agitation and propaganda." 52 0 So the group "Osvo-
the liberation of labor", relying primarily on the working class, sees
tse peasantry of the future ally, who, with the help of agitation and
propaganda hopes to attract people to the revolutionary struggle.
tion movement of peasants, the detection of which will have to
entail a redistribution of the forces of the socialists, their reorientation
ation on the agrarian population. “Of course, however,” writes Plekha,
what is new is that the distribution of forces of our socialists will have to change
will happen if independent revolutionary activity is revealed among the peasantry.
new movement." 53
In the second project of the group “Emancipation of Labor”, which was released in
light in 1888, the agricultural program is set out as follows: “For
a major revision of our agrarian relations, i.e. terms of redemption
land and allocating it to peasant societies. Granting the right to
order from the allotment and exit from the community to those peasants who find
it’s convenient for you, etc.” 54
1 G.V. Plekhanov op. v.2 p.362.
By the end of the 80s and the beginning of the 90s, two works by G.V. Plekh were published -
new, dedicated to the agricultural population: "All-Russian ruin" and
"On the tasks of socialists in the fight against hunger in Russia." According to the table
cited by Plekhanov in “All-Russian Ruin” it is clearly seen that
Russia in the 80s experienced terrible storms, almost everywhere
leading to famine. Such catastrophic disasters forced
the first Marxists from general statements regarding the peasantry
issue to move on to more specific proposals and explicit calls
fight against the government."A disaster struck by the overwhelming
strip is taking on the dimensions of an all-Russian disaster," which "threatens
go into all-Russian ruin," 51 0, says Plekhanov."History
urgently demands from us such actions and reforms to implement
which the tsarist government does not have enough skill, nor - however -
necessary measures to stabilize the situation in the country and eliminate
famine. Plekhanov suggests “immediately finding means for food
the liberation of the forty million population affected by the failure of the gu-
Bernium" 53 0. For this, according to G.V. Plekhanov, from 300 to 400 are required
millions, which, in his opinion, should not be expected from the government -
etc. Then it is necessary to help the Russian peasantry restore its
land management, which requires "from top to bottom to overcome
our financial system, with all its weight lying on its back
peasant" 54
_________________________________________________________________
1 G.V. Plekhanov op. v.3 p.342.
2 G.V. Plekhanov op. v.3 p.353.
Outlining ways to restore peasant farms, G.V. Plekhanov
claims that only one course of action is acceptable - the fight against the tsar
mom, which the sooner it starts, the more Russia will benefit from it.
sia. In the work “On the tasks of socialists in the fight against hunger in Russia-
these,” Plekhanov says: “On whatever basis the restoration takes place,
deprivation of the peasant economy, it will in no way put us in
in a difficult situation","I under no circumstances could and cannot
be afraid of the restoration of the peasant economy, will it happen?
on the basis of personal or on the basis of public land ownership
51 0. Summing up, we see that from general statements Plekhanov
comes to specific open proposals, he sees the main task
in the restoration of peasant farming on any basis, and subsequently
Since the reforms he proposed by the government, in his opinion, have been implemented
they will not fight, he openly calls on everyone to fight against tsarism.
This is how the first steps of the Social Democrats were taken in solving the agrarian problem.
question, the steps are largely erroneous. In his work “Agricultural Program-
framework of social democrats in the first Russian revolution" V.I. Lenin announced
clarifies the errors of the "Emancipation of Labor" program in its abstraction
"The error of this program is not that it contains
there were erroneous principles or erroneous private requirements. No.Prin-
its principles are correct, and the only particular requirement put forward
it (the right to refuse the allotment) is so indisputable that it was
full of peculiar Stolypin legislation. Fallacy
of this program - its abstractness, the absence of any concrete
_________________________________________________________________
1 G.V. Plekhanov op. v.3 p.438.
view on the subject. This is, in fact, not a program, but the most general mark-
sis statement" 51 0. However, V.I. Lenin does not raise this circumstance
program 20 years before the first Russian revolution "recognized the inevitable
the need for a radical revision of the cause of peasant reform" 52 0.
It must be said that Plekhanov himself spoke about his programs
ril that “they are defined and indefinite at the same time” 53 0.
The further development of views on the agrarian question is associated with the name
V.I. Lenin, who is responsible for the main development of agricultural
program. He wrote: “By agrarian program we mean a certain
division of the guiding principles of social democratic policy in agriculture
question, i.e. in relation to agriculture, to different classes
himself, layers, groups of the rural population." 54
From the economic analysis of agrarian relations in post-reform Russia
and Lenin moved on to the theoretical justification of strategy and tactics
proletariat in relation to the peasantry. At the basis of its revolutionary
New tactics were based on the idea of an alliance between the working class and the peasantry.
their early works Lenin not only provided a theoretical basis for
agrarian question, but also developed a specific program of agrarian
Bovaniy. His draft agrarian program stated that as
priority measures for peasants, the Social Democratic Party
1 Lenin V.I. Collected works vol. 13. p. 231.
2 Lenin V.I. right there.
3 Plekhanov G.V. op.t.3 p.412.
4 Lenin V.I. Collected works vol. 13. p. 351.
"1) Cancellation of redemption payments and rewards to peasants for payment
Valuable redemption payments. Return to peasants of overpaid
to the treasury of money.
2) Return to the peasants of the lands cut off from them in 1861.
3) Complete equality in payments and taxes from peasants and land
shchichi lands.
4) Abolition of mutual responsibility and all laws that constrain peasants in
disposal of their land." 51
Further development of issues of the agricultural program took place at
pages of the newspaper Iskra, where in the article “The Workers’ Party and the Peasants”
yours", placed in issue 3 Lenin formulates a number of new agrarian
resolutions.
In this article, along with repeating demands to return to the peasants
segments and cancel redemption payments, we also see the requirements of the account-
the establishment of peasant committees "to correct those egregious
injustices done to those released
noble committees established by the tsarist government for slaves" 52 0, requirement
establishment of courts," which would have the right to reduce the immensely high
payment for land", 53 0also a requirement to suppress enslaving transactions with
side of the moneylenders. “Yes,” wrote V.I. Lenin, “we certainly must
include in your program demands for the liberation of our village
from all remnants of slavery. Requirements capable of causing the best
part of the peasantry, if not an independent political struggle, then
__________________________________________________________________
1 Lenin Collected Works. vol.2 p.86
2 Lenin Collected Works. v.4 p.434
conscious support for the liberation struggle of the working class." 51
So, by the time of the convening of the second congress of the RSDLP, the positions of Russian brands
sists were fairly fully elucidated, despite the fact that even then
disagreements began to appear between Lenin and the Menshevik leaders
rami, disagreements that surfaced at the second congress.
In 1903, the second congress of the RSDLP took place, at which the first
vaya agrarian program of the RSDLP, which read: “In order to eliminate
the remnants of serfdom, which lie under heavy oppression
directly on the peasants, and in the interests of developing the class struggle-
if in the village the party demands first of all:
1: Cancellation of redemption and quitrent payments, as well as all duties
those that are currently falling on the peasantry as a tax
estate.
2: Abolition of all laws that constrain the peasant at his disposal
3: return to peasants the sums taken from them in the form of extortion
purchase and quitrent payments; confiscation for this purpose of monastic and
church property, as well as appanage, office and appurtenance estates
pressing persons the royal family, and equals the imposition of a special tax on
stranded landowners-nobles who took advantage of the redemption loan;
transfer of the amounts obtained in this way to a special people's fund for cultural
tour and charitable needs of rural communities.
4. Establishment of peasant committees: a) for the return of rural
societies (through expropriation or redemption) of those lands that
cut off from the peasants during the abolition of serfdom and serve in
________________________________________________________________
1 Lenin Collected Works. v.4 p.435
in the hands of landowners as a tool for their enslavement, b) for transfer into their own
ownership of peasants in the Caucasus of the lands they use
as temporarily obliged, etc. c) to eliminate the remnants of serfs
relations that have survived in the Urals, Altai, Western Territory and other areas -
authorities of the state.
5. Granting the courts the right to reduce exorbitantly high rents
fees and declare invalid transactions that have enslaving conditions
character." 51
As can be seen from this program, it included mainly those requirements
tions that were developed by V.I. Lenin in the project of the agricultural program
framework and in the article "The Workers' Party and the Peasantry." Nothing in principle
nothing new was introduced into it.
The first agricultural program was developed in the era when Russia
this was at the stage of “rising capitalism” 52 0, which asserted
its dominance both in the city and in the countryside. Despite the fact that
it was a period of profound socio-economic changes, it
At the same time, it was distinguished by the absence of a revolutionary atmosphere in the village.
jealous. Any significant manifestations of the peasant movement
It hasn't happened yet. All this, of course, could not but affect the first
agricultural program, which needed reworking. To the conclusion about
that the agrarian program needed to be redone, V.I. Lenin came
November 1905, when the peasant movement assumed widespread proportions.
In a letter to the third congress of the RSDLP "On our agrarian program-
___________________________________________________________________
1 Minutes of the Second Congress of the RSDLP from 423-424
2 S.P. Trapeznikov “Leninism and the agrarian-peasant question” p.138
It is argued that the entire peasantry can hardly march in solidarity
such an agrarian transformation will inevitably be clearly antagonized
rural proletariat and "economic peasants". Social-democratic
you, of course, can have nothing against the fact that the rebel mu-
Zhik “finished off the landowner”, took all the land from him, but they couldn’t-
want to go into adventurism in the proletarian program, they cannot
pursue the class struggle against the owners of the ancestral perspective-
mi such restructuring of land ownership, which will only turn out to be a shift
nium classes or categories of owners" 51 0. In this letter, V.I. Lenin
offered to weigh all the circumstances. At first he thought
it is advisable to limit ourselves to the fact that the demand for return from
Rezkov transferred from the program to the comments to it, and in the text itself
program to write down that the RSDLP demands, first of all, the establishment of a revolutionary
resolution peasant committees to eliminate all remnants of cre-
fasting, for the democratic transformation of all trees in general
Viennese relations and to take revolutionary measures to improve the
position of the peasantry, up to the confiscation of land from the landowners. Social
democrats will support the peasantry in all its revolutionary
but democratic enterprises, defending independent interests
and independent organization of the rural proletariat." 52 0 Here
Lenin raises the question of nationalization of land, believing that “the most important thing is
The next measure of land reform is the nationalization of land in the police state.
state will, of necessity, be distorted and serve to obscure
of the class character of the movement... Under a democratic republic
to the public, when arming the people, when carrying out other similar
republican measures, Social Democracy cannot renounce the connection
brace yourself with regard to the nationalization of the land."
__________________________________________________________________
1 Lenin V.I.Collected works.vol.9 p.357
2 Lenin V.I. Collected works vol.9 p.358
3 Lenin V.I. Collected works v.9 p.359
Lenin justifies all new provisions of the agrarian part of the party program
shaft at the third party congress. In the resolution “On the attitude towards the peasantry”
Yang movement" it is said: "The Third Congress of the RSDLP instructs all parties to
ny organizations: a) propagate among broad sections of the people that
social democracy sets as its task the most energetic support
all revolutionary measures of the peasantry capable of improving it
situation, up to the confiscation of landowners, state, church, mo-
Nastyrsky and specific lands" 51
The resolution retained the demand for the organization of peasant committees.
tets of carrying out all revolutionary-democratic reforms
monstrations, to collective refusal to pay taxes and
gov, to the merger of the rural proletariat with the urban one and its inclusion
representatives to peasant committees.
Putting forward general democratic demands, including the demand
confiscation of landowners' land, V.I. Lenin and the Bolshevik Party
still considered it necessary to “unite the purely proletarian
struggle" with the general peasant, but do not mix them" 52 0 Two years of the first
the Russian revolution was given, according to V.I. Lenin, “much more mathematics”
____________________________________________________________________
1 CPSU in resolutions and decisions of congresses, conferences and plenums
Central Committee 1953 part 1 p. 80
2 Lenin V.I.Collected works.t. 12 from 47
rial for illuminating the internal mechanism social order Ros-
this than decades of so-called peaceful evolution" 51
From the point of view of this two-year experience, it became necessary to
the possibility of revising the agrarian program of the Russian Social Democrats, in
the basis of which was necessary to put the latest data on land
state in Russia, so that, according to Lenin, “it is possible to more accurately establish
see, what is the actual economic basis of all agricultural
problems of our era, because of which the great historical
what a struggle" 52 0. In his work "Revision of the agrarian program of the working
party" Lenin wrote: "The agrarian program of our party does not matter
will have to redo it again pretty soon" 53 0. And anticipating the quick
redistribution of the program, Lenin notes that in the RSDLP on the agrarian question
disagreements occur, during which four main
type of opinions:
"1) The agrarian program of the RSDLP should not require nationalization
tion, nor confiscation of landowners' lands." 54 0 This opinion is shared by-
Xia comrade Rozhkov and others.
"2) The agrarian program of the RSDLP must require the confiscation of landowners
their lands, without demanding nationalization of the land in any form" 55 0. Opinions
Comrade Finna and comrade Plekhanov.
"3) Alienation of landowners' lands, along with a unique and limited
__________________________________________________________________
1 Lenin V.I.Collected works.vol.16 p. 195
2 Lenin V.I. there
3 Lenin V.I.Collected works.t. 10 s 156
54 0 Lenin V.I.Collected works.t. 10 s 154
5 Lenin V.I.Collected works.t. 10 s 154
nationalization." 51 0 Comrade Maslov, Comrade Gromov.
"4) Confiscation of landowners' lands and, under certain conditions, national
"realization of land" 52 0.Project of V.I.Lenin.
Continuing to reveal the idea of the confiscation of the landowner's property and its national
lization, in the work "Revision of the agrarian program of the workers' party"
V.I. Lenin gives a draft of this program, which includes
following:
"1. Confiscation of all church, monastic, appanage, state-
land, cabinet and landowners' lands;
2.Establishment of peasant committees for immediate destruction
all traces of landowner power and landowner privileges and for actual
of the confiscated lands pending the establishment of
the national constituent assembly of a new land structure
3. Cancellation of all taxes and duties currently submitted to
the peasantry, as a tax-paying class;
4. Abolition of all laws that constrain the peasant at his disposal
5. Giving elected people's courts the right to reduce exorbitantly
high rents and declare all transactions void
ki, having an enslaving character.
If the decisive victory of the modern revolution in Russia ensures
Reads completely the autocracy of the people, i.e. will create a republic and completely
democratic system, the party will seek the abolition of private
_________________________________________________________________
1 Lenin V.I. Sobr.s4och.t. 10 s 154
2 Lenin V.I. there
ownership of land and transfer of all land into common ownership
of all the people" 51 0.
There is also option A in this project: "...then the party will support
to promote the desire of the revolutionary peasantry to abolish private ownership
ownership of the land and seek the transfer of all land into ownership
the state" 52 0.
The presence of two versions of the text of the draft program (and option A, as
this is visible, more radical) speaks of some uncertainty Le-
Nina regarding how his idea of nationalization will be received
land, uncertainty is completely justified, because really the idea of
nationalization did not find the required number of supporters and did not enter
into the program adopted at the Fourth Congress of the RSDLP.
So, let's look at the balance of power before the fourth congress of the RSDLP:
V.I. Lenin stands for the confiscation of landowners’ lands and nationalization
tion. He showed that the nationalization of land as a bourgeois measure itself
in itself is not able to destroy exploitation, while with
the presence of landowner power in the hands of the proletariat, this measure becomes
a powerful weapon in the destruction of exploitation and exploitative
ditch, the first step on the path to the socialist system, because the main
The main result of nationalization is the elimination of private ownership of
land. “It would, in any case, have a gigantic significance,” writes
V.I. Lenin, - both material and moral. Material - in that regard -
the belief that nothing can so completely sweep away the remnants of the middle-
Kovya in Russia, so completely renew a half-rotten village, so quickly
move forward agricultural progress, such as nationalization. Moral -
__________________________________________________________________
1 Lenin V.I.Collected works.t. 10 s 172
2 Lenin V.I. right there.
The main significance of nationalization in the revolutionary era is
that the proletariat is helping to strike at “one form of private
property", the echoes of which are inevitable throughout the world" 51 0.
Lenin's nationalization program was opposed by the Mensheviks, in
their new agricultural project, who refused to put forward demands
confiscation of landowners' lands, replacing it with the requirement of alienation
these lands. The requirement to create peasant ko-
meetings, instead it was proposed to establish general democratic bodies
we are self-governments - municipalities - which were supposed to unite
thread all classes, without distinction of class affiliation. Under the con-
the role of such bodies should have been transferred to all alienated lands
li. The Mensheviks argued that V.I. Lenin’s project on nationalization
presupposes the conquest of power, which is possible only under socialism
ical revolution, to what extent is the Russian revolution bourgeois-
democratic, then the seizure of power by the proletariat cannot be
speeches. Rejecting the possibility of the workers seizing power, the Mensheviks rejected
They also rejected the nationalization project. In polemics with the Mensheviks, Lenin
purely cadet, there is a political weapon of the bourgeoisie against the flyover -
Riata...Exacerbation of political contradictions and political struggle
leads to reaction, lectures the bourgeois workers, which means they need to dull
these contradictions. Rather than risk a reaction after a victory, it’s better not
fight for victory, but enter into a deal with a reaction." 52
A huge part of the Bolshevik delegates to the Fourth Congress
__________________________________________________________________
1 Lenin V.I.Collected works.t. 16 with 304.
2 Lenin V.I.Collected works.t. 13 from 22.
The RSDLP stood for the division of landowners' land into the ownership of peasants.
stva.Even before the congress, the “Divideists” developed a special
new program. The section project includes such requirements as
expropriation of large landowners through confiscation
lands and the creation of revolutionary peasant committees. Central
the program point read: "... the party, supporting the revolutionary
the desire of the peasantry, even to the point of land seizures, will be achieved
establish peasant committees as an organizational form
peasant movement for the immediate destruction of all traces
landowner privileges and for the actual disposal of captured
lands, pending the establishment of a national constituent assembly
new constituent structure..." 51 0. Supporters of partition so
just like the Mensheviks opposed nationalization, because according to them
opinion, the peasants would not approve of this measure: they want the landowners' lands
they would like to receive ownership, and not see it as property
states, as regards their own lands, then nationalization
they will regard it as a direct attack on them. In addition,
the "divisionists" believed, since after the victory of the revolution Russia will
a bourgeois country, not a socialist one, the concentration of a huge
land fund in the hands of such a state will only strengthen the bourgeoisie
and weaken the proletariat.
However, despite the fact that both the Mensheviks and the “divisionists” were pro-
supporters of the Leninist project, future leader of the world proletariat
assessed these trends within the RSDLP differently. He wrote: "...Municipal
palization is erroneous and harmful, the section, as a program, is erroneous, but not
harmful...Partition cannot be harmful, because they will agree to it
__________________________________________________________________
1 Minutes of the Fourth Congress of the RSDLP p.74-75.
peasants this time; it does not need to be stipulated by consistent over-
the trinity of states is two. Why is it wrong: because it is one
looks at the peasant movement from an outside perspective only from the point of view
past and present, without taking into account the point of view
future "51 0.V.I. Lenin did not reject partition in principle, but did not consider
made it possible for the division to be preceded by the nationalization of land
whether, which in the best possible way would contribute to the further development
tia and deepening of the revolution.
The question arises: how did V.I. Lenin justify the need for national
nationalization, how he responded to the views of the “divisionists” who considered it
impossible under these conditions?
Firstly, the leader of the revolution was confident (and the peasant demands
were confirmation of this) that the peasants themselves want common land
After all, their slogans “Nobody’s land, it’s God’s” - don’t they represent
Are they a yet unconscious demand for the nationalization of the land? Once-
Delistists believed that when talking about “God’s land” the peasants still
they want private property, and these words are “only an ideological domain”
the desire to take the land from the landowner" 52 0. Lenin agrees with
this, however, he believed that the “divisionists” were still wrong. Why?
“Supporters of partition,” wrote Lenin, “correctly understand the peasants-
some words about nationalization explain them correctly, but that’s the whole point
the essence - but they do not know how to turn this correct explanation into a lever for change
understanding of the world, a tool for further movement forward. That’s not what it’s about
speech to impose nationalization on the peasants instead of division
la...The point is that the socialist mercilessly exposed the petty bourgeois
_________________________________________________________________
1 Lenin V.I.Collected works.t. 13 from 14.
2 Lenin V.I.Collected works.t. 10 from 315.
the peasant's zhuaz illusions about "God's land" must be able to
show the peasant the way forward" 51 0. Let the peasants now not understand-
nationalization - with the Bolsheviks constantly interpreting it
after some time they themselves will join it. But what to do
with the opinion of the “divisionists” that the transfer of all lands into the hands of the bourgeois
will the juise state only weaken the position of the proletariat? And to this
Lenin answers. He says this: “Nationalization of the land is possible in
bourgeois society, it promotes its economic development
tia, facilitates competition and the influx of capital into agriculture, reduces
price of bread, etc. We cannot under any circumstances, therefore,
the era of a real peasant revolution with a fairly highly developed
That capitalism treats nationalism with naked and general denial.
tion." 52 0.
Thus recognizing the fallacy of some views "divided"
Comrade V.I. Lenin, however, treated their program better than
Menshevik."...I, of course, am closer to partition and am ready to vote for
Borisova against Maslov" 53 0," Lenin said in his report on the
unitary congress of the RSDLP. For their part, the “divisionists” also
they treated Lenin’s ideas much better than the Menshevik projects
kov, and, rejecting the Maslov-Plekhanov project, the “divisionist” Borisov did not
objected to the fact that Lenin’s demand for nationalization would be
lo included as an amendment to the "section", with the condition that it
inclusion was intended for the future.
The agrarian question became a central point internal party struggle
__________________________________________________________________
1 Lenin V.I.Collected works.t. 10 from 316.
2 Lenin V.I.Collected works.t. 10 from 316.
3 Lenin V.I.Collected works.t. 10 from 315.
at the fourth congress of the RSDLP. The new agrarian program adopted with the su-
significant changes at the fourth congress, put forward the following
requirements:
1. Abolition of all class restrictions on personality and property
peasants
2. Cancellation of all payments and duties related to class status
property of the peasants and the destruction of bonded debt obligations
3. Confiscation of church, monastic, appanage lands and transfer
them (together with state-owned lands) by a large body of local self-government
government uniting urban and rural districts.
4. Confiscation of privately owned lands, except for small landowners
deniya, and transferring them to the disposal of large local authorities
management. 51
Thus the Menshevik program of municipalization was adopted.
tion. Assessing it, V.I. Lenin said: “At the congress, our party program
ramma will remain a program for a deal with reaction. This is not a social
wet, but the cadet program, if we take its real political
ical significance in the situation of modern Russia..." 52 0.
However, the program was not widely supported; it was not even
attracted attention during the discussion of the agrarian issue in the Duma."About her
Even the Menshevik deputies were ashamed to mention" 53 0. In the post-revolutionary
tion period, circumstances developed in such a way that social -
democracy was once again left essentially without an agrarian program.
__________________________________________________________________
1 Fourth Congress of the RSDLP protocols from 522.
2 Lenin V.I.Collected works.t. 13 from 20.
3 Trapeznikov S.P. “Leninism and the agrarian-peasant question” p.173
At the beginning of the twentieth century, Russia was predominantly an agrarian country with a predominant rural population and agricultural production. After the abolition of serfdom in 1861, Russia had 2 development paths:
- The Prussian way, in which peasants would be freed without land or with small plots. With this choice of path, the ruined peasants were forced to go to employees, or move to cities and join the ranks of the proletariat. And the landowners would receive loans and assistance from the state to transfer their farms to capitalist lines.
- The American path of development assumed the absence of landownership; peasants would receive large plots of land that they could freely dispose of. Like the Prussian path, the American one led to the massive ruin of the peasants.
The tsarist government could not decide for a long time to make a choice, and therefore the solution to the problem of serfdom dragged on until 1861, although the issue had already matured in early XIX centuries, and worsened after.
Most of the landowners' farms followed the Prussian path, in which those who worked on the land, that is, the peasants themselves, did not receive land. But Russia also did not receive industrial development; it still remained an agricultural country, where 77% of the population were peasants.
As a result, at the beginning of the twentieth century, an economic crisis emerged that urgently needed to be resolved. Almost all political parties represented in the Duma proposed their own ways to resolve the agrarian issue and ways out of this crisis. But most of them did not solve the problem of the peasantry, but of those segments of the population that they represented, and were aimed at strengthening power over the peasantry.
Crop failures recent years led to the fact that entire provinces suffered from famine. The revolutionaries cleverly used this situation for their own purposes. In the policy of the RSDLP, the agrarian question played an important role. In his article “All-Russian Devastation” he describes the scale of hunger and poverty in which the country found itself. As examples, Plekhanov cites extracts from newspapers, which, despite the prohibitions of the authorities, contained very depressing news. Here's one of them. It gives some idea of the scale of the disaster in Russia. And it partly answers the question: why did the revolution take place in the country.
“Mass of peasants from the villages, in rags or without any covering at all, are beginning to appear more and more often on the streets of our city, asking Christ for bread . They spend the night in a “night shelter,” where there are rooms for 200 people, and there are more than 1000 of them crammed in there. It is clear that this causes illness and mortality, so the rooming house represents both a hospital and a dead room. For now, the administration is limiting itself to gradually releasing this mass back into the deserted villages; but these measures are obviously temporary, because the villages present terrible pictures: there is no livestock, household goods and clothing have been sold or pawned, houses are mostly boarded up. If there are any people sitting in the village, then they are eating the last crumbs and waiting for the guys to die so they can free themselves and go to the city. They come to the city without eating for several days. Here is a typical case in the village of Pokrovskoye, 80 versts from Yekaterinburg: the mother of four children came to the priest to confess and in spirit said that she was thinking of killing the children, since she could not see them die of hunger. The priest gathered some things and went to feed them, but it was too late: after they ate, convulsions began and three died immediately. Bread has become terribly expensive and it’s difficult to get it.”
The proposed solution to the peasant question would never have been accepted by the tsarist government, which defended the interests of the nobility. Lenin highlighted the position of the RCP (b) in his work “The Agrarian Program of Social Democracy in the First Russian Revolution of 1905-1907.” Having analyzed the speeches of deputies from parties and individual provinces at the 2nd Duma, Lenin put forward the following demands on behalf of the RCP(b):
- Cancel redemption payments;
- Return to the peasants those payments that were demanded from them in excess of the price of the land;
- Return to the peasants the lands cut off from them in 1861;
- Ensure equality of payments from peasant and landowners' lands;
- Abolish all laws that curtail the rights of peasants to use land.
In his work, Lenin presented the following figures: 10.5 million peasant families in European Russia have 75 million dessiatinas of land, while 30 thousand landowners each own 500 dessiatinas, and thus the nobility accounts for 70 million dessiatinas . Later, Lenin made a note about the need to nationalize lands and means of production, noting that this was already a step towards socialism.
Having come to power, the Bolsheviks issued the famous “Decree on Land,” which put it in the hands of the peasants... After some time, it became clear that the right to land did not at all mean the right to the harvest, and the Soviet village was faced with a famine not seen under the tsarist regime.
INTRODUCTION
At the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, Russia was an entirely agricultural country, with
clear predominance of the rural population. Due to the difficult situation
tion that arose in the country, many political parties offered their
programs aimed at overcoming the crisis. Naturally,
a new point in any of these programs was the agrarian question, because from
it depended on whether approximately 90% of the country’s population would follow the party
The importance of the peasant question was also understood by the Social Democrats and agrarians.
This issue occupies one of the most important places in their program.
The purpose of this work is to trace the development of the views of the Social Democratic
Comrade on the agrarian question from the formation of the group "Emancipation of Labor"
until the 4th Unification Congress of the RSDLP.
SOURCES.
The most important sources for studying this topic are protocols
Congresses of the RSDLP. Particularly interesting in this regard are the documents related to
related to the activities of the 2nd, 3rd and 4th congresses. These documents represent
are verbatim reports of the work of congresses. Of great advantage
of these materials, as historical sources, is their simple
fixation of ready-made ideological principles that formed the basis of agricultural programs
ramm of the Bolshevik Party, and reflections of the formation of these views in
process of frank polemics. These materials are devoid of any personal
subjective subjectivity, since they represent the result of a collective
creative creativity of a group of political like-minded people.
In my work I also use the works of G.V. Plekhanov “All-Russian
Russian ruin" and "On the tasks of the Social Democrats in the fight against the state
lodom."By their nature, these works can be classified as political
journalism. Regarding the general situation of the peasantry in Russia, Plekhanov
opposes populist illusions regarding land reorganization
tvu of Russia.
Other important sources on this topic are the works of V.I. Lenin
on, dedicated to the agrarian issue. They can be traced
a significant change in the Bolsheviks’ views on the agrarian question, as well as
projects of agricultural programs and attempts to change the program are presented
ramm. The following works by Lenin “Peres-
motr of the agrarian program of the workers' party" (1906), "Agrarian program
ma of social democracy in the first Russian revolution"
(1905-1907), "Report on the unification congress of the RSDLP" (1907), also
excerpts from other works are used.
In general, these sources fairly fully reflect the development of views on
agrarian question in the RSDLP and contain rich material on this topic
work.
HISTORIOGRAPHY.
The problem of the agrarian question in the RSDLP program at different stages
the preparation of the revolution was very often touched upon in domestic
historiography, however, many works are devoted either to the problems of the peasantry
yanstvo during this period, or Lenin’s assessment of the situation in the agricultural sector.
Among the works devoted specifically to the agrarian question as part of the general
political and economic program of the RSDLP, used: Mamoluy
A.P. "V.I. Lenin on agrarian relations in Russia" (Kharkov 1960);
2) K. Nalkshin “The Peasant Question in the Works of V.I. Lenin” (Kuibyshev
1974); 3) S.P. Trapeznikov “Leninism and the agrarian-peasant issue”
grew up" (Moscow 1983). In all these works, the period under consideration is
changes in views on the agrarian issue are much wider than the scope of the report, it
ends, as a rule, with the October Revolution or even the period
NEPA.However, in all three works there is a clearly structured series of consistent
new changes in the agrarian part of the party program, with references to
various sources, many of which are discussed here.
.
Main part.
The reform of 1861 was a turning point not only in the economic
development, but also in the entire socio-political life of the country. She
marked the beginning of a deep division of social forces in Russia, in
as a result of which a whole
galaxy of new revolutionaries, a new major political
current-populism, Liberal populists, being the main ideological
the logs of the peasantry of the 80-90s, justified the moderate, reformist
ways to solve the agrarian question. All the needs of peasant life are
explained by landlessness, tax oppression and the lack of culture of the village, which
which, in their opinion, could easily be overcome through legislation
official acts of the tsarist government. However, specific requirements for
Populism did not give the agrarian question expressed in the program.
A turning point in the development of social thought in Russia was
creation in 1883 of the first Marxist organization "Liberation
labor", headed by G.V. Plekhanov, who revised his previous
views and switched to the position of scientific socialism. From this moment
that began a truly scientific development of agrarian-peasant issues
dew. The Emancipation of Labor group took the first steps in solving
agrarian-peasant issue expressed in the program. However, this
program is mainly dedicated to the working class, which is entrusted with
All the hopes of the first Marxists were dashed."Group 5" 0Emancipation of Labor"
does not at all ignore the peasantry, which makes up the bulk of
working population of Russia, says the program, but it is half-
says that the work of the intelligentsia, especially under modern conditions,
in social and political struggles, must first be directed
to a more developed layer of this population, which are industrial
51 0Thus, we see that the main revolutionary
workers are recognized by force. However, Plekhanov further says that
"Having secured strong support among this layer, social intelligence
the licence, with much greater hope of success, can spread
its impact on the peasantry, especially if it achieves
that time of freedom of agitation and propaganda." 52 0 So the group "Osvo-
the liberation of labor", relying primarily on the working class, sees
tse peasantry of the future ally, who, with the help of agitation and
propaganda hopes to attract people to the revolutionary struggle.
However, Plekhanov goes further; he allows for independent revolution.
tion movement of peasants, the detection of which will have to
entail a redistribution of the forces of the socialists, their reorientation
ation on the agrarian population. “Of course, however,” writes Plekha,
what is new is that the distribution of forces of our socialists will have to change
will happen if independent revolutionary activity is revealed among the peasantry.
new movement." 53
In the second project of the group “Emancipation of Labor”, which was released in
light in 1888, the agricultural program is set out as follows: “For
a major revision of our agrarian relations, i.e. terms of repurchase
land and allocating it to peasant societies. Granting the right to
order from the allotment and exit from the community to those peasants who find
it’s convenient for you, etc.” 54
1 G.V. Plekhanov op. v.2 p.362.
52 0 G.V. Plekhanov op. v.2 p.362.
53 0 G.V. Plekhanov op. v.2 p.363.
54 0 G.V. Plekhanov op. v.2 p.403.
By the end of the 80s and the beginning of the 90s, two works by G.V. Plekh were published -
new, dedicated to the agricultural population: "All-Russian ruin" and
"On the tasks of socialists in the fight against hunger in Russia." According to the table
cited by Plekhanov in “All-Russian Ruin” it is clearly seen that
Russia in the 80s experienced terrible storms, almost everywhere
leading to famine. Such catastrophic disasters forced
the first Marxists from general statements regarding the peasantry
issue to move on to more specific proposals and explicit calls
fight against the government."A disaster struck by the overwhelming
strip is taking on the dimensions of an all-Russian disaster," which "threatens
go into all-Russian ruin," 51 0, says Plekhanov."History
urgently demands from us such actions and reforms to implement
which the tsarist government does not have enough skill, nor - however -
her - hunting" 52 0, the author continues, and makes a proposal to accept
necessary measures to stabilize the situation in the country and eliminate
famine. Plekhanov suggests “immediately finding means for food
the liberation of the forty million population affected by the failure of the gu-
Bernium" 53 0. For this, according to G.V. Plekhanov, from 300 to 400 are required
millions, which, in his opinion, should not be expected from the government -
etc. Then it is necessary to help the Russian peasantry restore its
land management, which requires "from top to bottom to overcome
our financial system, with all its weight lying on its back
peasant" 54
_________________________________________________________________
1 G.V. Plekhanov op. v.3 p.342.
2 G.V. Plekhanov op. v.3 p.353.
3 ibid.
4 ibid.
Outlining ways to restore peasant farms, G.V. Plekhanov
claims that only one course of action is acceptable - the fight against the tsar
mom, which the sooner it starts, the more Russia will benefit from it.
sia. In the work “On the tasks of socialists in the fight against hunger in Russia-
these,” Plekhanov says: “On whatever basis the restoration takes place,
deprivation of the peasant economy, it will in no way put us in
in a difficult situation","I under no circumstances could and cannot
be afraid of the restoration of the peasant economy, will it happen?
on the basis of personal or on the basis of public land ownership
51 0. Summing up, we see that from general statements Plekhanov
comes to specific open proposals, he sees the main task
in the restoration of peasant farming on any basis, and subsequently
Since the reforms he proposed by the government, in his opinion, have been implemented
they will not fight, he openly calls on everyone to fight against tsarism.
This is how the first steps of the Social Democrats were taken in solving the agrarian problem.
question, the steps are largely erroneous. In his work “Agricultural Program-
framework of social democrats in the first Russian revolution" V.I. Lenin announced
clarifies the errors of the "Emancipation of Labor" program in its abstraction
"The error of this program is not that it contains
there were erroneous principles or erroneous private requirements. No.Prin-
its principles are correct, and the only particular requirement put forward
it (the right to refuse the allotment) is so indisputable that it was
full of peculiar Stolypin legislation. Fallacy
of this program - its abstractness, the absence of any concrete
_________________________________________________________________
1 G.V. Plekhanov op. v.3 p.438.
A look at the subject. This is, in fact, not a program, but the most general mark-
sis statement" 51 0. However, V.I. Lenin does not raise this circumstance
blame the authors of the program, on the contrary, he admires the fact that this
program 20 years before the first Russian revolution "recognized the inevitable
the need for a radical revision of the cause of peasant reform" 52 0.
It must be said that Plekhanov himself spoke about his programs
ril that “they are defined and indefinite at the same time” 53 0.
The further development of views on the agrarian question is associated with the name
V.I. Lenin, who is responsible for the main development of agricultural
program. He wrote: “By agrarian program we mean a certain
division of the guiding principles of social democratic policy in agriculture
question, i.e. in relation to agriculture, to various classes
himself, layers, groups of the rural population." 54
From the economic analysis of agrarian relations in post-reform Russia
and Lenin moved on to the theoretical justification of strategy and tactics
proletariat in relation to the peasantry. At the basis of its revolutionary
New tactics were based on the idea of an alliance between the working class and the peasantry.
In his early works, Lenin not only provided a theoretical basis for
agrarian question, but also developed a specific program of agrarian
Bovaniy. His draft agrarian program stated that as
priority measures for peasants, the Social Democratic Party
booms:
1 Lenin V.I. Collected works vol. 13. p. 231.
2 Lenin V.I. right there.
3 Plekhanov G.V. op.t.3 p.412.
4 Lenin V.I. Collected works vol. 13. p. 351.
"1) Cancellation of redemption payments and rewards to peasants for payment
Valuable redemption payments. Return to peasants of overpaid
to the treasury of money.
2) Return to the peasants of the lands cut off from them in 1861.
3) Complete equality in payments and taxes from peasants and land
shchichi lands.
4) Abolition of mutual responsibility and all laws that constrain peasants in
disposal of their land." 51
Further development of issues of the agricultural program took place at
pages of the newspaper Iskra, where in the article “The Workers’ Party and the Peasants”
yours", placed in issue 3 Lenin formulates a number of new agrarian
resolutions.
In this article, along with repeating demands to return to the peasants
segments and cancel redemption payments, we also see the requirements of the account-
the establishment of peasant committees "to correct those egregious
injustices done to those released
noble committees established by the tsarist government for slaves" 52 0, requirement
establishment of courts," which would have the right to reduce the immensely high
payment for land", 53 0also a requirement to suppress enslaving transactions with
side of the moneylenders. “Yes,” wrote V.I. Lenin, “we certainly must
include in your program demands for the liberation of our village
from all remnants of slavery. Requirements capable of causing the best
part of the peasantry, if not an independent political struggle, then
__________________________________________________________________
1 Lenin Collected Works. vol.2 p.86
2 Lenin Collected Works. v.4 p.434
3 Ibid.
Conscious support for the liberation struggle of the working class." 51
So, by the time of the convening of the second congress of the RSDLP, the positions of Russian brands
sists were fairly fully elucidated, despite the fact that even then
disagreements began to appear between Lenin and the Menshevik leaders
rami, disagreements that surfaced at the second congress.
In 1903, the second congress of the RSDLP took place, at which the first
vaya agrarian program of the RSDLP, which read: “In order to eliminate
the remnants of serfdom, which lie under heavy oppression
directly on the peasants, and in the interests of developing the class struggle-
if in the village the party demands first of all:
1: Cancellation of redemption and quitrent payments, as well as all duties
those that are currently falling on the peasantry as a tax
estate.
2: Abolition of all laws that constrain the peasant at his disposal
earth.
3: return to peasants the sums taken from them in the form of extortion
purchase and quitrent payments; confiscation for this purpose of monastic and
church property, as well as appanage, office and appurtenance estates
for persons of the royal family, as well as the imposition of a special tax on
stranded landowners-nobles who took advantage of the redemption loan;
transfer of the amounts obtained in this way to a special people's fund for cultural
tour and charitable needs of rural communities.
4. Establishment of peasant committees: a) for the return of rural
societies (through expropriation or redemption) of those lands that
cut off from the peasants during the abolition of serfdom and serve in
________________________________________________________________
1 Lenin Collected Works. v.4 p.435
In the hands of landowners, a tool for their enslavement, b) for transferring into their own
ownership of peasants in the Caucasus of the lands they use
as temporarily obliged, etc. c) to eliminate the remnants of serfs
relations that have survived in the Urals, Altai, Western Territory and other areas -
authorities of the state.
5. Granting the courts the right to reduce exorbitantly high rents
fees and declare invalid transactions that have enslaving conditions
character." 51
As can be seen from this program, it included mainly those requirements
tions that were developed by V.I. Lenin in the project of the agricultural program
framework and in the article "The Workers' Party and the Peasantry." Nothing in principle
nothing new was introduced into it.
The first agricultural program was developed in the era when Russia
this was at the stage of “rising capitalism” 52 0, which asserted
its dominance both in the city and in the countryside. Despite the fact that
it was a period of profound socio-economic changes, it
At the same time, it was distinguished by the absence of a revolutionary atmosphere in the village.
jealous. Any significant manifestations of the peasant movement
It hasn't happened yet. All this, of course, could not but affect the first
agricultural program, which needed reworking. To the conclusion about
that the agrarian program needed to be redone, V.I. Lenin came
November 1905, when the peasant movement assumed widespread proportions.
In a letter to the third congress of the RSDLP "On our agrarian program-
me", published on March 26, 1905, Lenin wrote: "Social Democrats
___________________________________________________________________
1 Minutes of the Second Congress of the RSDLP from 423-424
2 S.P. Trapeznikov “Leninism and the agrarian-peasant question” p.138
It is argued that the entire peasantry can hardly march in solidarity
further demands the return of cut-off lands, because outside
such an agrarian transformation will inevitably be clearly antagonized
rural proletariat and "economic peasants". Social-democratic
you, of course, can have nothing against the fact that the rebel mu-
Zhik “finished off the landowner”, took all the land from him, but they couldn’t-
want to go into adventurism in the proletarian program, they cannot
pursue the class struggle against the owners of the ancestral perspective-
mi such restructuring of land ownership, which will only turn out to be a shift
nium classes or categories of owners" 51 0. In this letter, V.I. Lenin
offered to weigh all the circumstances. At first he thought
it is advisable to limit ourselves to the fact that the demand for return from
Rezkov be transferred from the program to the comments to it, and in the text itself
program to write down that the RSDLP demands, first of all, the establishment of a revolutionary
resolution peasant committees to eliminate all remnants of cre-
fasting, for the democratic transformation of all trees in general
Viennese relations and to take revolutionary measures to improve the
position of the peasantry, up to the confiscation of land from the landowners. Social
democrats will support the peasantry in all its revolutionary
but democratic enterprises, defending independent interests
and independent organization of the rural proletariat." 52 0 Here
Lenin raises the question of nationalization of land, believing that “the most important thing is
The next measure of land reform is the nationalization of land in the police state.
state will, of necessity, be distorted and serve to obscure
of the class character of the movement... Under a democratic republic
to the public, when arming the people, when carrying out other similar
republican measures, Social Democracy cannot renounce the connection
brace yourself with regard to the nationalization of the land."
__________________________________________________________________
1 Lenin V.I.Collected works.vol.9 p.357
2 Lenin V.I. Collected works vol.9 p.358
3 Lenin V.I. Collected works v.9 p.359
Lenin justifies all new provisions of the agrarian part of the party program
shaft at the third party congress. In the resolution “On the attitude towards the peasantry”
Yang movement" it is said: "The Third Congress of the RSDLP instructs all parties to
ny organizations: a) propagate among broad sections of the people that
social democracy sets as its task the most energetic support
all revolutionary measures of the peasantry capable of improving it
situation, up to the confiscation of landowners, state, church, mo-
Nastyrsky and specific lands" 51
The resolution retained the demand for the organization of peasant committees.
tets of carrying out all revolutionary-democratic reforms
tions, there was an appeal to the peasants to organize political
monstrations, to collective refusal to pay taxes and
gov, to the merger of the rural proletariat with the urban one and its inclusion
representatives to peasant committees.
Putting forward general democratic demands, including the demand
confiscation of landowners' land, V.I. Lenin and the Bolshevik Party
still considered it necessary to “unite the purely proletarian
struggle" with the general peasant, but do not mix them" 52 0 Two years of the first
the Russian revolution was given, according to V.I. Lenin, “much more mathematics”
____________________________________________________________________
1 CPSU in resolutions and decisions of congresses, conferences and plenums
Central Committee 1953 part 1 p. 80
2 Lenin V.I.Collected works.t. 12 from 47
Rial to illuminate the internal mechanism of the social system of Russia
this than decades of so-called peaceful evolution" 51
From the point of view of this two-year experience, it became necessary to
the possibility of revising the agrarian program of the Russian Social Democrats, in
the basis of which was necessary to put the latest data on land
state in Russia, so that, according to Lenin, “it is possible to more accurately establish
see, what is the actual economic basis of all agricultural
problems of our era, because of which the great historical
what a struggle" 52 0. In his work "Revision of the agrarian program of the working
party" Lenin wrote: "The agrarian program of our party does not matter
will have to redo it again pretty soon" 53 0. And anticipating the quick
redistribution of the program, Lenin notes that in the RSDLP on the agrarian question
disagreements occur, during which four main
type of opinions:
"1) The agrarian program of the RSDLP should not require nationalization
tion, nor confiscation of landowners' lands." 54 0 This opinion is shared by-
Xia comrade Rozhkov and others.
"2) The agrarian program of the RSDLP must require the confiscation of landowners
their lands, without demanding nationalization of the land in any form" 55 0. Opinions
Comrade Finna and comrade Plekhanov.
"3) Alienation of landowners' lands, along with a unique and limited
__________________________________________________________________
1 Lenin V.I.Collected works.vol.16 p. 195
2 Lenin V.I. there
3 Lenin V.I.Collected works.t. 10 s 156
54 0 Lenin V.I.Collected works.t. 10 s 154
5 Lenin V.I.Collected works.t. 10 s 154
Noah nationalization." 51 0 Comrade Maslov, Comrade Gromov.
"4) Confiscation of landowners' lands and, under certain conditions, national
"realization of land" 52 0.Project of V.I.Lenin.
Continuing to reveal the idea of the confiscation of the landowner's property and its national
lization, in the work "Revision of the agrarian program of the workers' party"
V.I. Lenin gives a draft of this program, which includes
following:
"1. Confiscation of all church, monastic, appanage, state-
land, cabinet and landowners' lands;
2.Establishment of peasant committees for immediate destruction
all traces of landowner power and landowner privileges and for actual
of the confiscated lands pending the establishment of
the national constituent assembly of a new land structure
twa;
3. Cancellation of all taxes and duties currently submitted to
the peasantry, as a tax-paying class;
4. Abolition of all laws that constrain the peasant at his disposal
earth;
5. Giving elected people's courts the right to reduce exorbitantly
high rents and declare all transactions void
ki, having an enslaving character.
If the decisive victory of the modern revolution in Russia ensures
Reads completely the autocracy of the people, i.e. will create a republic and completely
democratic system, the party will seek the abolition of private
_________________________________________________________________
1 Lenin V.I. Sobr.s4och.t. 10 s 154
2 Lenin V.I. there
Ownership of land and transfer of all land into common ownership
of all the people" 51 0.
There is also option A in this project: "...then the party will support
to promote the desire of the revolutionary peasantry to abolish private ownership
ownership of the land and seek the transfer of all land into ownership
the state" 52 0.
The presence of two versions of the text of the draft program (and option A, as
this is visible, more radical) speaks of some uncertainty Le-
Nina regarding how his idea of nationalization will be received
land, uncertainty is completely justified, because really the idea of
nationalization did not find the required number of supporters and did not enter
into the program adopted at the Fourth Congress of the RSDLP.
So, let's look at the balance of power before the fourth congress of the RSDLP:
V.I. Lenin stands for the confiscation of landowners’ lands and nationalization
tion. He showed that the nationalization of land as a bourgeois measure itself
in itself is not able to destroy exploitation, while with
the presence of landowner power in the hands of the proletariat, this measure becomes
a powerful weapon in the destruction of exploitation and exploitative
ditch, the first step on the path to the socialist system, because the main
The main result of nationalization is the elimination of private ownership of
land. “It would, in any case, have a gigantic significance,” writes
V.I. Lenin, - both material and moral. Material - in that regard -
the belief that nothing can so completely sweep away the remnants of the middle-
Kovya in Russia, so completely renew a half-rotten village, so quickly
move forward agricultural progress, such as nationalization. Moral -
__________________________________________________________________
1 Lenin V.I.Collected works.t. 10 s 172
2 Lenin V.I. right there.
The new significance of nationalization in the revolutionary era is
that the proletariat is helping to strike at “one form of private
property", the echoes of which are inevitable throughout the world" 51 0.
Lenin's nationalization program was opposed by the Mensheviks, in
their new agricultural project, who refused to put forward demands
confiscation of landowners' lands, replacing it with the requirement of alienation
these lands. The requirement to create peasant ko-
meetings, instead it was proposed to establish general democratic bodies
we are self-governments - municipalities - which were supposed to unite
thread all classes, without distinction of class affiliation. Under the con-
the role of such bodies should have been transferred to all alienated lands
li. The Mensheviks argued that V.I. Lenin’s project on nationalization
presupposes the conquest of power, which is possible only under socialism
ical revolution, to what extent is the Russian revolution bourgeois-
democratic, then the seizure of power by the proletariat cannot be
speeches. Rejecting the possibility of the workers seizing power, the Mensheviks rejected
They also rejected the nationalization project. In polemics with the Mensheviks, Lenin
said: "The reference to the lack of guarantees from restoration is an idea
purely cadet, there is a political weapon of the bourgeoisie against the flyover -
Riata...Exacerbation of political contradictions and political struggle
leads to reaction, lectures the bourgeois workers, which means they need to dull
these contradictions. Rather than risk a reaction after a victory, it’s better not
fight for victory, but enter into a deal with a reaction." 52
A huge part of the Bolshevik delegates to the Fourth Congress
__________________________________________________________________
1 Lenin V.I.Collected works.t. 16 with 304.
2 Lenin V.I.Collected works.t. 13 from 22.
The RSDLP stood for the division of landowners' land into the ownership of peasants.
stva.Even before the congress, the “Divideists” developed a special
new program. The section project includes such requirements as
expropriation of large landowners through confiscation
lands and the creation of revolutionary peasant committees. Central
the program point read: "... the party, supporting the revolutionary
the desire of the peasantry, even to the point of land seizures, will be achieved
establish peasant committees as an organizational form
peasant movement for the immediate destruction of all traces
landowner privileges and for the actual disposal of captured
lands, pending the establishment of a national constituent assembly
new constituent structure..." 51 0. Supporters of partition so
just like the Mensheviks opposed nationalization, because according to them
opinion, the peasants would not approve of this measure: they want the landowners' lands
they would like to receive ownership, and not see it as property
states, as regards their own lands, then nationalization
they will regard it as a direct attack on them. In addition,
the "divisionists" believed, since after the victory of the revolution Russia will
a bourgeois country, not a socialist one, the concentration of a huge
land fund in the hands of such a state will only strengthen the bourgeoisie
and weaken the proletariat.
However, despite the fact that both the Mensheviks and the “divisionists” were pro-
supporters of the Leninist project, future leader of the world proletariat
assessed these trends within the RSDLP differently. He wrote: "...Municipal
palization is erroneous and harmful, the section, as a program, is erroneous, but not
harmful...Partition cannot be harmful, because they will agree to it
__________________________________________________________________
1 Minutes of the Fourth Congress of the RSDLP p.74-75.
Peasants this time; it does not need to be stipulated by consistent over-
the trinity of states is two. Why is it wrong: because it is one
looks at the peasant movement from an outside perspective only from the point of view
past and present, without taking into account the point of view
future "51 0.V.I. Lenin did not reject partition in principle, but did not consider
made it possible for the division to be preceded by the nationalization of land
which would best contribute to the further development
tia and deepening of the revolution.
The question arises: how did V.I. Lenin justify the need for national
nationalization, how he responded to the views of the “divisionists” who considered it
impossible under these conditions?
Firstly, the leader of the revolution was confident (and the peasant demands
were confirmation of this) that the peasants themselves want common land
After all, their slogans “Nobody’s land, it’s God’s” - don’t they represent
Are they a yet unconscious demand for the nationalization of the land? Once-
Delistists believed that when talking about “God’s land” the peasants still
they want private property, and these words are “only an ideological domain”
the desire to take the land from the landowner" 52 0. Lenin agrees with
this, however, he believed that the “divisionists” were still wrong. Why?
“Supporters of partition,” wrote Lenin, “correctly understand the peasants-
some words about nationalization explain them correctly, but that’s the whole point
the essence - but they do not know how to turn this correct explanation into a lever for change
understanding of the world, a tool for further movement forward. That’s not what it’s about
speech to impose nationalization on the peasants instead of division
la...The point is that the socialist mercilessly exposed the petty bourgeois
_________________________________________________________________
1 Lenin V.I.Collected works.t. 13 from 14.
2 Lenin V.I.Collected works.t. 10 from 315.
The peasant's zhuaz illusions about "God's land" should be able to
show the peasant the way forward" 51 0. Let the peasants now not understand-
nationalization - with the Bolsheviks constantly interpreting it
after some time they themselves will join it. But what to do
with the opinion of the “divisionists” that the transfer of all lands into the hands of the bourgeois
will the juise state only weaken the position of the proletariat? And to this
Lenin answers. He says this: “Nationalization of the land is possible in
bourgeois society, it promotes its economic development
tia, facilitates competition and the influx of capital into agriculture, reduces
price of bread, etc. We cannot under any circumstances, therefore,
the era of a real peasant revolution with a fairly highly developed
That capitalism treats nationalism with naked and general denial.
tion." 52 0.
Thus recognizing the fallacy of some views "divided"
Comrade V.I. Lenin, however, treated their program better than
Menshevik."...I, of course, am closer to partition and am ready to vote for
Borisova against Maslov" 53 0," Lenin said in his report on the
unitary congress of the RSDLP. For their part, the “divisionists” also
they treated Lenin’s ideas much better than the Menshevik projects
kov, and, rejecting the Maslov-Plekhanov project, the “divisionist” Borisov did not
objected to the fact that Lenin’s demand for nationalization would be
lo included as an amendment to the "section", with the condition that it
inclusion was intended for the future.
The agrarian question became the central point of the internal party struggle
__________________________________________________________________
1 Lenin V.I.Collected works.t. 10 from 316.
2 Lenin V.I.Collected works.t. 10 from 316.
3 Lenin V.I.Collected works.t. 10 from 315.
At the fourth congress of the RSDLP. The new agrarian program adopted with the su-
significant changes at the fourth congress, put forward the following
requirements:
1. Abolition of all class restrictions on personality and property
peasants
2. Cancellation of all payments and duties related to class status
property of the peasants and the destruction of bonded debt obligations
st.
3. Confiscation of church, monastic, appanage lands and transfer
them (together with state-owned lands) by a large body of local self-government
government uniting urban and rural districts.
4. Confiscation of privately owned lands, except for small landowners
deniya, and transferring them to the disposal of large local authorities
management. 51
Thus the Menshevik program of municipalization was adopted.
tion. Assessing it, V.I. Lenin said: “At the congress, our party program
ramma will remain a program for a deal with reaction. This is not a social
wet, but the cadet program, if we take its real political
ical significance in the situation of modern Russia..." 52 0.
However, the program was not widely supported; it was not even
attracted attention during the discussion of the agrarian issue in the Duma."About her
Even the Menshevik deputies were ashamed to mention" 53 0. In the post-revolutionary
tion period, circumstances developed in such a way that social -
democracy was once again left essentially without an agrarian program.
__________________________________________________________________
1 Fourth Congress of the RSDLP protocols from 522.
2 Lenin V.I.Collected works.t. 13 from 20.
3 Trapeznikov S.P. “Leninism and the agrarian-peasant question” p.173
Socialist revolutionary parties - Socialist Revolutionary Parties (Socialist Revolutionaries), RSDLP (Bolsheviks), RSDLP (Mensheviks)
|
Ways to solve the main issues of the revolution |
Bolsheviks |
Mensheviks |
|
|
1. Political system |
Democratic Republic |
The power of workers and peasants, turning into the dictatorship of the proletariat |
Democratic Republic |
|
Maximum democratic rights and freedoms |
Democracy is only for the working classes |
The unconditional nature of all democratic rights and freedoms |
|
|
3. Peasant question |
Elimination of landownership, transferring it to the ownership of communities and division between peasants according to labor or equalization norms |
Nationalization of all land and division of it among peasants according to labor or equalization norms |
Municipalization of land, that is, its transfer local authorities authorities with subsequent rent by peasants |
|
4. Work question |
Production communes throughout the country with broad popular self-government |
The working class is the hegemon of the revolution and the creator of the new socialist society, the protection of its interests is the highest goal of the party |
Protecting the interests of the working class from the tyranny of capitalists, providing it with all political rights and social guarantees |
|
5. National question |
Federation of Free Republics |
The right of nations to self-determination, the federal principle of state structure |
Right to cultural-national autonomy |
Liberal Democratic parties - Union of October 17 (Octobrists) and Party of Constitutional Democrats (Cadets)
|
A way to solve Russia's main problems |
Octobrists |
|
|
1. Political system |
Constitutional monarchy modeled on Germany |
Parliamentary monarchy modeled on England |
|
2. Political rights and freedoms |
Maximum political rights and freedoms while maintaining a strong public order and the unity of the country |
Maximum democratic rights and freedoms up to the proclamation of a republic |
|
3. Agrarian question |
The solution to the peasant question in line with the Stolypin agrarian reform |
Demand for the alienation of part of the landowners' lands for a ransom acceptable to the peasants |
|
4. Work question |
Non-interference by the state in the relationship between entrepreneurs and hired workers, the latter’s right to strike, with the exception of strategically important enterprises |
The creation, with the participation of the state, of conciliation chambers to resolve conflicts between workers and entrepreneurs, the right of workers to strikes and walkouts |
|
5. National question |
Preservation of unitary Russian state with small autonomy for Poland and Finland |
Program of cultural-national autonomy providing complete freedom cultural development for all peoples while maintaining the territorial integrity of the country |
INTRODUCTION
At the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, Russia was an entirely agricultural country, with
clear predominance of the rural population. Due to the difficult situation
tion that arose in the country, many political parties offered their
programs aimed at overcoming the crisis. Naturally,
a new point in any of these programs was the agrarian question, because from
it depended on whether approximately 90% of the country’s population would follow the party
The importance of the peasant question was also understood by the Social Democrats and agrarians.
This issue occupies one of the most important places in their program.
The purpose of this work is to trace the development of the views of the Social Democratic
Comrade on the agrarian question from the formation of the group "Emancipation of Labor"
until the 4th Unification Congress of the RSDLP.
SOURCES.
The most important sources for studying this topic are protocols
Congresses of the RSDLP. Particularly interesting in this regard are the documents related to
related to the activities of the 2nd, 3rd and 4th congresses. These documents represent
are verbatim reports of the work of congresses. Of great advantage
of these materials, as historical sources, is their simple
fixation of ready-made ideological principles that formed the basis of agricultural programs
ramm of the Bolshevik Party, and reflections of the formation of these views in
process of frank polemics. These materials are devoid of any personal
subjective subjectivity, since they represent the result of a collective
creative creativity of a group of political like-minded people.
In my work I also use the works of G.V. Plekhanov “All-Russian
Russian ruin" and "On the tasks of the Social Democrats in the fight against the state
lodom."By their nature, these works can be classified as political
journalism. Regarding the general situation of the peasantry in Russia, Plekhanov
opposes populist illusions regarding land reorganization
tvu of Russia.
Other important sources on this topic are the works of V.I. Lenin
on, dedicated to the agrarian issue. They can be traced
a significant change in the Bolsheviks’ views on the agrarian question, as well as
projects of agricultural programs and attempts to change the program are presented
ramm. The following works by Lenin “Peres-
motr of the agrarian program of the workers' party" (1906), "Agrarian program
ma of social democracy in the first Russian revolution"
(1905-1907), "Report on the unification congress of the RSDLP" (1907), also
excerpts from other works are used.
In general, these sources fairly fully reflect the development of views on
agrarian question in the RSDLP and contain rich material on this topic
HISTORIOGRAPHY.
The problem of the agrarian question in the RSDLP program at different stages
the preparation of the revolution was very often touched upon in domestic
historiography, however, many works are devoted either to the problems of the peasantry
yanstvo during this period, or Lenin’s assessment of the situation in the agricultural sector.
Among the works devoted specifically to the agrarian question as part of the general
political and economic program of the RSDLP, used: Mamoluy
A.P. "V.I. Lenin on agrarian relations in Russia" (Kharkov 1960);
2) K. Nalkshin “The Peasant Question in the Works of V.I. Lenin” (Kuibyshev
1974); 3) S.P. Trapeznikov “Leninism and the agrarian-peasant issue”
grew up" (Moscow 1983). In all these works, the period under consideration is
changes in views on the agrarian issue are much wider than the scope of the report, it
ends, as a rule, with the October Revolution or even the period
NEPA.However, in all three works there is a clearly structured series of consistent
new changes in the agrarian part of the party program, with references to
various sources, many of which are discussed here.
Main part.
The reform of 1861 was a turning point not only in the economic
development, but also in the entire socio-political life of the country. She
marked the beginning of a deep division of social forces in Russia, in
as a result of which a whole
galaxy of new revolutionaries, a new major political
current-populism, Liberal populists, being the main ideological
the logs of the peasantry of the 80-90s, justified the moderate, reformist
ways to solve the agrarian question. All the needs of peasant life are
explained by landlessness, tax oppression and the lack of culture of the village, which
which, in their opinion, could easily be overcome through legislation
official acts of the tsarist government. However, specific requirements for
Populism did not give the agrarian question expressed in the program.
A turning point in the development of social thought in Russia was
creation in 1883 of the first Marxist organization "Liberation
labor", headed by G.V. Plekhanov, who revised his previous
views and switched to the position of scientific socialism. From this moment
that began a truly scientific development of agrarian-peasant issues
dew. The Emancipation of Labor group took the first steps in solving
agrarian-peasant issue expressed in the program. However, this
program is mainly dedicated to the working class, which is entrusted with
All the hopes of the first Marxists were dashed."Group 5" 0Emancipation of Labor"
does not at all ignore the peasantry, which makes up the bulk of
working population of Russia, says the program, but it is half-
says that the work of the intelligentsia, especially under modern conditions,
in social and political struggles, must first be directed
to a more developed layer of this population, which are industrial
51 0Thus, we see that the main revolutionary
"Having secured strong support among this layer, social intelligence
the licence, with much greater hope of success, can spread
its impact on the peasantry, especially if it achieves
that time of freedom of agitation and propaganda." 52 0 So the group "Osvo-
the liberation of labor", relying primarily on the working class, sees
tse peasantry of the future ally, who, with the help of agitation and
propaganda hopes to attract people to the revolutionary struggle.
tion movement of peasants, the detection of which will have to
entail a redistribution of the forces of the socialists, their reorientation
ation on the agrarian population. “Of course, however,” writes Plekha,
what is new is that the distribution of forces of our socialists will have to change
will happen if independent revolutionary activity is revealed among the peasantry.
new movement." 53
In the second project of the group “Emancipation of Labor”, which was released in
light in 1888, the agricultural program is set out as follows: “For
a major revision of our agrarian relations, i.e. terms of repurchase
land and allocating it to peasant societies. Granting the right to
order from the allotment and exit from the community to those peasants who find
it’s convenient for you, etc.” 54
1 G.V. Plekhanov op. v.2 p.362.
52 0 G.V. Plekhanov op. v.2 p.362.
53 0 G.V. Plekhanov op. v.2 p.363.
54 0 G.V. Plekhanov op. v.2 p.403.
By the end of the 80s and the beginning of the 90s, two works by G.V. Plekh were published -
new, dedicated to the agricultural population: "All-Russian ruin" and
"On the tasks of socialists in the fight against hunger in Russia." According to the table
cited by Plekhanov in “All-Russian Ruin” it is clearly seen that
Russia in the 80s experienced terrible storms, almost everywhere
leading to famine. Such catastrophic disasters forced
the first Marxists from general statements regarding the peasantry
issue to move on to more specific proposals and explicit calls
fight against the government."A disaster struck by the overwhelming
strip is taking on the dimensions of an all-Russian disaster," which "threatens
go into all-Russian ruin," 51 0, says Plekhanov."History
urgently demands from us such actions and reforms to implement
which the tsarist government does not have enough skill, nor - however -
necessary measures to stabilize the situation in the country and eliminate
famine. Plekhanov suggests “immediately finding means for food
the liberation of the forty million population affected by the failure of the gu-
Bernium" 53 0. For this, according to G.V. Plekhanov, from 300 to 400 are required
millions, which, in his opinion, should not be expected from the government -
etc. Then it is necessary to help the Russian peasantry restore its
land management, which requires "from top to bottom to overcome
our financial system, with all its weight lying on its back
peasant" 54
_________________________________________________________________
1 G.V. Plekhanov op. v.3 p.342.
2 G.V. Plekhanov op. v.3 p.353.
Outlining ways to restore peasant farms, G.V. Plekhanov
claims that only one course of action is acceptable - the fight against the tsar
mom, which the sooner it starts, the more Russia will benefit from it.
sia. In the work “On the tasks of socialists in the fight against hunger in Russia-
these,” Plekhanov says: “On whatever basis the restoration takes place,
deprivation of the peasant economy, it will in no way put us in
in a difficult situation","I under no circumstances could and cannot
be afraid of the restoration of the peasant economy, will it happen?
on the basis of personal or on the basis of public land ownership
51 0. Summing up, we see that from general statements Plekhanov
comes to specific open proposals, he sees the main task
in the restoration of peasant farming on any basis, and subsequently
Since the reforms he proposed by the government, in his opinion, have been implemented
they will not fight, he openly calls on everyone to fight against tsarism.
Parties. And it included more intelligentsia and liberal-minded landowners than workers and peasants. Although peasants made up no more than 20% of the Cadet Party. Nevertheless, the agrarian question was not last role in their program. From the sections on agrarian legislation (compiled by former Minister of Agriculture N.N. Kutler) it is clear that one of the main directions of the party’s activities was ...
TICKET 16 SECOND QUESTION The policy of détente in 1970-1980. New political thinking A. Prerequisites for detente: 1) late 60s - early 70s: the establishment of military-strategic parity between the USA and the USSR, the Warsaw Department and NATO (and, accordingly, the strengthening international peace on this basis) 2) Further accumulation nuclear weapons has become meaningless and too dangerous for the fate of humanity 3) ...
ensuring the safety of trade routes. Service people: boyar children, nobles, servants saw in a single state a power capable of giving them a means of subsistence in exchange for military and public service. The most important political prerequisite was the need to overthrow the Mongol-Tatar yoke and protect the western borders of Rus'. Of course, the unification of military forces...
Years). At this conference, the Mensheviks were expelled from the party, and the formal unification of the Bolsheviks in one party with the Mensheviks was forever ended. From the political group, the Bolsheviks formed into an independent Russian Social Democratic Labor Party (Bolsheviks). Real rise revolutionary movement begins in April-May 1912, when mass political...