The concept of “political system” is used in political science for a systematic description of political phenomena and processes in their close relationship and interaction with the environment (other areas public life). The emergence of this concept, which united the structural, organizational-institutional and functional aspects of politics, is most often associated with the name of the American political scientist D. Easton, who introduced it into scientific circulation in the mid-twentieth century. He wanted to reflect politics as an independent sphere of society, to reveal the special nature of the connection between politics and the external environment (both within a single state and with other states).
The rod political system, which determines its essence, structure and boundaries, is political (state) power. At the same time, it would be wrong to reduce the political system only to a system of political (primarily state) institutions and their relationships with each other. The concept of a political system covers all individuals and all institutions participating in the political process, as well as informal and non-governmental factors that influence the mechanism for identifying and posing problems, the development and implementation of government decisions (legislative, governmental, etc.).
The political system is a super complex system, which, as its constituent structural elements, includes a number of subsystems, which in turn are complex systems. Among them:
The institutional subsystem is a kind of frame, a supporting structure of the political system, consisting of various socio-political institutions and institutions (state, bodies of representative and direct democracy, political parties and socio-political movements, organized interest groups and pressure groups, the media, church, etc.).
The normative subsystem is a subsystem that, based on the political and legal norms and principles accepted in society, reflected in the constitution and other normative legal acts that have the generally binding force of law, regulates the formation and activities of political institutions and institutions, establishes the rules of the game in politics and etc., giving the political system orderliness and a focus on achieving and maintaining stability.
The communicative subsystem is a set of relationships that arise in the process of functioning of the political system of society (including those related to the struggle for power and the use of power resources) both between political institutions and institutions within the system itself, and between the political system and other social systems (economy, social sphere, etc.), as well as between the political system of a given country and the political systems of other states.
The political-ideological subsystem includes political consciousness and political culture. Everyday ideas, value orientations and the attitudes of participants in political life, their emotions and prejudices, formed under the influence of specific socio-political practices, have a significant impact on individual and mass political behavior. They are the basis for the creation and transformation of socio-political institutions, as well as those changes that are made to political and legal norms, to the entire system of political relations.
The functional subsystem consists of a set of those roles and functions that are performed both by individual socio-political institutions and their groups (forms and orientation political activity, ways and methods of exercising power, means of influencing public life, etc.). Ultimately, we are talking about the aggregate dynamics of political life, causally determined by group interests, taking the form of complex interaction (ranging from cooperation to open confrontation) of various institutional and social subjects of politics, within the framework of which the functioning and development (change, transformation, transformation) of political systems of society.
Subsystems of three levels of power and political-power relations
In the structure of the political system, it is also customary to distinguish subsystems of three levels of power and political-power relations - two institutional: the highest (megalevel, or megapower) and the middle, or intermediate (mesolevel, or mesopower), and the third - lower, mass (microlevel, or micropower ). At all these levels, these subsystems are in turn divided into parallel, usually competing structures: legal and shadow, ruling and opposition. Here we also distinguish between holders of power and executors, functionaries and ordinary members of parties, elite groups and ordinary citizens, etc.
At the institutional macrosystem level there are the highest authorities (parliament, government, supreme judicial bodies, etc.). At the same time, to determine the type of political system, the decisive factor is who has supremacy in this hierarchy of power (head of state, head of government, parliament, etc.).
A special arbitration role at this level is played by public control authorities, including from the media, political parties and organized interest groups (represented by national business associations and unions, unified national trade union centers, etc.). This also includes different shapes political opposition (parliamentary, party).
At the same mega-level, shadow, hidden political structures and actions of macro-power are concentrated: official and legally existing institutions with secret functions (security agencies) and completely clandestine institutions (intelligence and counterintelligence), as well as actions of legal institutions of the highest ranks hidden from “prying eyes” ( state and party), secret documents, directives, orders, instructions, etc.
Another series of legally existing structures that are part of the macro-level of power unofficially and informally form various kinds of elites and elite communities (clubs, parliamentary factions, friendly groups), pressure groups (parliamentary lobby, close circle of the presidential administration, think tanks under state and party leaders and etc.).
At the institutional middle or intermediate level (meso-power), the structure of the political system is similar in configuration to the structure of macro-power. It is formed by administrative apparatuses, bodies of elected and appointed power, which are directly merged with the structures of the upper level, but constitute its periphery. They are located in the political space between the highest echelons of state power and society, playing the role of a link between them (regional and municipal administration, representative institutions of various ranks, justice and law enforcement agencies, as well as governing bodies of political parties and trade unions, other public organizations and movements ).
At the same level, illegal structures of a non-political nature are formed (parallel “shadow” economy, black market, organization of the criminal world, various types of mafia groups), which tend to merge (merge) with legal structures and can have a serious influence on them or replace them , perform power functions (security, arbitration, etc.)
The micro-level of the political system is formed by the mass participation of social groups, layers and classes, citizens of society in political life: membership in mass political and non-political, but influential organizations, participation in mass political protests or support for the authorities, in responsible processes of its democratic organization (elections, referendums , plebiscites). At this level, political popular movements and civil initiatives are formed, political groups and parties are born, public opinion is formed, and the political culture of society is formed.
The space of microstructures is by no means limited to a certain lower, mass level. In principle, the entire society is located in it, all its citizens with their political views, forms of participation in joint political life. But due to the fact that the political roles they perform are organizationally and functionally different, this ranks them, i.e. places them according to different levels political system.
The above differentiation is universal in nature, that is, it can be traced in the political system of any society. Even the simplest political systems have structural differentiation and differ from developed systems only in that their constituent subsystems have different forms and levels of specialization, different volumes and nature of influence.
American political scientist D. Easton represents the political system as a self-regulating and self-developing organism with information input and output. At the entrance to the political system, numerous impulses arrive from the outside in the form of demands and support, which represent a constantly operating and decisive factor for the system; otherwise it will stop functioning due to “underload”. But at the same time, these impulses are potential sources of tension in the system and must be controlled.
Excessive demands on the system's ability to produce appropriate results (distribute value) can lead to its overload or potential stagnation. A high level of support is highly desirable for a system, but if, due to external reasons, it cannot meet the requirements, it will lose support and the foundations of self-preservation.
As for demands as a form of expression of the legitimacy of binding distribution on the part of subjects of power, they are divided into external, coming from the environment, and internal, coming from the system itself (its individual component subsystems and structures, especially peripheral ones). There are:
Requirements related to the needs of citizens to satisfy primary physiological needs, i.e., the distribution of goods and services;
Requirements related to meeting security needs (not only physical, but property, social, environmental, sanitary, etc.);
Requirements in the field of organization and functioning of state government institutions (reduction and rationalization of the state apparatus, fight against bureaucracy and corruption, etc.);
Requirements in the field of communication and information (transparency and openness of policy, comprehensive awareness of it on the part of those who develop it, etc.).
Being regulatory, distributive and communicative in content, these requirements can be both constructive and deconstructive, correspond to the capabilities of the system or lead to its quantitative or qualitative overload.
Quantitative overload with requirements refers to a shortage of resources, due to which the system is not able to adequately respond to them (i.e., satisfy them fully). The second qualitative overload of requirements is related to their complexity. Satisfy these requirements by the system (within its inherent traditional structures and mechanisms) is not capable in principle.
In order to avoid this kind of overload and the requirements imposed on the system correspond to its capabilities, the following is required:
1) so that the formulation and presentation of demands are not spontaneous (spontaneous) in nature, but are carried out primarily organized groups- mass public organizations, as well as political parties; sent through official channels in compliance with all rules and procedures provided for by law;
2) so that the system has a certain supervisory and control mechanism installed, through which not only the requirements coming into it are recorded, but also their “natural selection”, filtering and ordering, hierarchization into problem blocks taking into account the degree of severity, relevance, complexity, etc.;
3) the system had a certain conversion mechanism that transforms ordered and aggregated requirements into products emanating from the system (i.e., specific decisions and actions in the form of a system response to challenges external environment). In addition to demands that tend to weaken the political system, the latter (i.e., the system) enjoys support that strengthens it. Support is a kind of pillar of the system, without which it cannot exist. long time and sooner or later it collapses.
Support covers all positions, all variants of observable behavior that are favorable to the system, and is grouped in the following areas:
Material support, which takes the form not only of timely and regular payment taxes and other taxes, but also voluntary donations, providing services to the system through voluntary labor, military service etc.;
Law-abiding, i.e. compliance with laws and compliance with directives and regulations of authorities, both in the center and locally;
Participation in political life (in elections and referendums, demonstrative political actions and discussions, membership in political parties and public organizations, etc.);
Attention to official information, respectful attitude (respect) for power and institutions that represent it, as well as for state symbols(flag, anthem, coat of arms), etc. All these types of support are somehow related to civil
activity. At the same time, passive types of support are also widespread. Conformism, apoliticality and other forms of mass unconventional behavior objectively also “work” for the system, although subjectively in many political systems their bearers tend to interpret their non-participation in politics not as support for the system, but as a protest against it.
Output functions (conversion functions) express the methods and technologies of the political system’s response to the environment, that is, to the requests and demands entering it and take the form of specific decisions and political actions. These impulses emanating from the system are determined by the very essence and nature of political power as an organized force authorized by society to manage “common affairs” and ensure the “common good.” If decisions and actions meet the expectations and demands of numerous sectors of society, then support for the political system increases. If this is not the case, and the authorities, instead of responding to the aspirations of the people, are mainly concerned with their own well-being, then this creates a real threat of a partial or complete crisis of the political system.
Initial functions of political systems
The vital activity of the political system is manifested in the process of performing diverse functions, among which the following are identified as fundamental:
The function of goal setting, i.e. developing political goals, consolidating them in political documents and giving them a universal character, as well as ranking (hierarchization) according to time criteria, level of significance (strategic, tactical, priority, current, etc.);
Integrative function, i.e. ensuring the unification and integration of society based on the use of politics and power to express the will of the people through law, law, subordination, coercion, etc.;
Regulatory function, i.e. regulation of the regime of socio-political activity in society, the establishment of such rules and methods of behavior and activity of people and organizations that would ensure respect for common interests and the stability of social relations.
These fundamental functions are closely intertwined and interact with many others:
Rulemaking (development of laws that actually determine legal forms behavior of people and groups in society);
“rule enforcement” (putting laws into effect);
“control of compliance with rules” (interpretation of laws and actions in order to determine the facts of their violation and impose appropriate punishment);
political socialization (political education, involvement of members of society in political activities), etc.
In general, the political system (in all the diversity of its structural elements and functions) acts as a means of social integration and containment of the destructive influence of social and other differences on the functioning of the social organism as a contradictory but unified whole.
Determinants of the effectiveness and efficiency of political systems
The effectiveness and efficiency of any political system depends on many factors, both structural and functional. To be effective, a political system requires:
1. High level of development of political communication, i.e. various shapes relationships and interactions in the exchange and transmission of political information, both between individual structural units (subsystems) of the political system itself, and between the political system and the external environment. Being, by definition, a self-organizing and self-adjusting system aimed at managing and coordinating the efforts of a very large number of people, a political system is only effective and efficient when it has comprehensive information about the moods and demands of this multitude, as well as about its own state and movement.
It is necessary for information to continuously circulate, entangling the political system with numerous networks, various communication channels that would ensure the movement of information flows from authorities to citizens and back. The more and more diverse the information, the higher the quality of decisions made, the easier it is to anticipate and get ahead of events. And, conversely, the paucity of information that the system receives about the external environment and itself sharply reduces its capabilities effective leadership and management. It gradually loses its power over historical circumstances, loses its legitimacy and the trust of citizens, and sooner or later collapses.
2. Strong structural differentiation. It is impossible to adequately and timely respond to demands addressed to the system from outside and inside, as well as to satisfy growing economic and social needs, without having autonomous and at the same time coordinated subsystems, “highly specialized” structures and apparatuses, a professionally trained administration, and an extensive infrastructure of political parties. , mass public organizations, civic bodies, etc.
Structural differentiation and specialization based on the principles of a clear division of spheres of influence and competence between various subsystems, as well as between their constituent institutions and institutions, makes it possible to keep in view the diversity of moods and expectations in society; promptly identify various kinds of “breakdowns” and malfunctions in the social body, engage in prevention and “preventive” treatment (i.e. at the inception stage) of various social diseases and ulcers. Prevent the interpersonal and intergroup conflicts that are inevitable for any system from developing into crises and confrontations that destroy society, etc.
3. System abilities, among which the following are of paramount importance:
a) the ability to innovate is the ability to adapt to new problems, to respond flexibly to new impulses and unforeseen situations. A system that is not able to generate innovations, to make timely changes that are objectively overdue, signs its own “death warrant”;
b) the ability to mobilize presupposes the ability of the political system to draw from the environment the necessary human and material resources in order to mobilize the population to achieve generally significant tasks, implement programs of social change and reform;
c) the ability to survive requires a high level of development of the political system, which ensures survival by the fact that it is capable of disseminating positions favorable to its preservation. It uses for these purposes the structures of political socialization (schools, universities, church, army, political parties), involving in public life those who want to be associated with it or those who, not being covered by the system, risk jeopardizing its political stability and form a revolutionary counter-elite;
d) ability for equality. According to the American political scientist L. Pye, the implementation of this ability should manifest itself:
In the active participation of the people in political activity, i.e. in the transition from a “culture of submission” to a “culture of participation” (this transition can occur either democratically - through the expansion of voting rights of citizens; or in the form of authoritarian mobilization);
In the universal character of laws that become general; in relation to them, everyone is in the same position, and they are applied to everyone without regard to differences in status positions and the privileges associated with them;
In recruiting for government positions not on the principle of inheritance or from any one social class or caste, but on merit, taking into account competence, education, abilities, etc.
It should be noted that the progress of all the above-mentioned variables of efficiency and effectiveness of political development does not necessarily occur synchronously. Historical experience shows that tensions often arise between them, and the tendency towards equality often leads not to an increase, but to a decrease in the capabilities of the political system. And in systems that have undergone modernization, the need to ensure economic development and integration on a national scale is often accompanied not by expansion, but by a significant limitation of popular representation for the sake of concentrating power in the hands of one party or a charismatic leader.
Under the structure of the political system means the way of connecting its elements into a single, integral system formation, that is, the establishment of stable connections and relationships between the elements of this system.
In the legal literature there are the following components, or subsystems, political systems, which are connected with each other and ensure the functioning of public authority.
1. Institutional;
2. Regulatory;
3. Functional;
4. Communication;
5. Cultural and ideological.
Institutional subsystem consists of political institutions, each of which is also a system - state, party, socio-political, which in turn consists of private subsystems. The leading political institution, which concentrates maximum political power, is the state. Special role in the political system belongs to political parties and socio-political movements, including trade unions, entrepreneurs' organizations and all kinds of lobbying organizations created within the structures of the legislative and executive power. On the one hand, they are important participants in the political process and carry out a kind of mediation between various government structures and the population. For this reason, they are sometimes combined under the general concept of “political infrastructure.” Such non-political in nature occupy a specific place in the political system. social institutions, as the media and the Church, which are capable of significantly influencing the process of forming public opinion, and through it - putting pressure on political power.
Regulatory subsystem forms all kinds of norms - legal and moral, political traditions, values, customs. With their help, the political system has a regulatory impact on the activities of institutions and the behavior of citizens, defining the rules of their relationships.
Functional subsystem is expressed in the forms and directions of political activity, in various political processes, in the way and methods of exercising power. It forms the basis political regime, whose task is to ensure the functioning, transformation and protection of the mechanism of power and society.
Communication subsystem presupposes a set of relationships and forms of interaction that develop between classes, social groups, nations, and individuals regarding their participation in the exercise of power, the development and implementation of policy. At the same time, these are relations based on the rules of law, as well as informal norms and relationships not enshrined in the rules of law.
Political relations are the result of numerous and varied connections between political subjects in the process of political activity. People and political institutions are motivated to join them by their own political interests and needs.
Highlight primary and secondary (derived) political relations. To the first, include various forms of interaction between social groups (classes, nations, estates, etc.), as well as within them, to the second– relations between states, parties, and other political institutions that reflect in their activities the interests of certain social strata or the whole society.
Cultural-ideological subsystem is a collection of different contents political ideas, views, ideas, feelings of participants in political life. The political consciousness of the subjects of the political process operates at two levels – theoretical (political ideology) and empirical (political psychology). The forms of manifestation of political ideology include views, slogans, ideas, concepts, theories, and political psychology includes feelings, emotions, moods, prejudices, traditions. They have equal rights in the political life of society.
In the ideological subsystem, a special place is occupied by political culture, understood as a complex of political orientations, attitudes, values and models of political behavior typical for a particular society.
Political culture is the experience of political activity passed on from generation to generation, which combines knowledge, beliefs and behavior patterns of a person and social groups. Political culture ensures the stability of the political system of society and the reproduction of political life on the basis of continuity.
In modern political science it is accepted typology of political culture, proposed by scientists S. Verba and G. Almond. Having chosen as a criterion the degree of orientation of people towards participation in political life, they identified three “pure” types of political culture.
1. Patriarchal political culture is characterized by a complete lack of interest among community members in political institutions and global political processes. The bearers of this type of political culture are focused on local values and are indifferent to the policies, attitudes and norms of the central authorities. This type of political culture is characteristic of developing countries in Asia and Africa.
2. Subject political culture is distinguished by the orientation of subjects towards the political system and the activities of the central authorities. Its bearers have their own idea of politics, but do not take an active part in it, expecting either benefits or orders from the authorities.
3. Civil political culture is inherent in modern developed democratic states. The bearers of this culture are not only focused on the political system, but also strive to be active participants in the political process. They obey the orders of the authorities, but at the same time influence the development of decision-making by government bodies.
Today it is rare to find a “pure” type of political culture. For most modern societies characteristic mixed types: patriarchal-subject, subject-civil And patriarchal-civil political culture.
The political system acts as the unity of all these subsystems, which are closely interconnected and cannot function if at least one of the subsystems does not work properly.
The essence of the political system of society is most clearly manifested in its functions. Therefore, the description of the political system will be incomplete without considering them.
In systems theory function refers to any action aimed at maintaining the system in a stable state and ensuring its vital activity.
The following can be distinguished functions of the political system:
1. Function of political socialization, i.e. familiarization of the individual with political values, adherence to socially accepted standards of political behavior, loyal attitude to the institutions of power. This process involves the formation of the political consciousness of the individual, when the latter is included in the work of specific political mechanisms, due to which the reproduction of the political system occurs by introducing more and more new members of society to political participation and activity. Thus, political socialization plays the role of a conservation mechanism political values and the goals of the system, makes it possible to maintain the continuity of generations in politics.
2. Adaptation function. Preparation and selection of government officials (leaders, elites) capable of finding the most effective ways to solve current problems and offering them to society.
3. Reaction function. With the help of this function, the political system responds to signals coming from outside or from within the system. This function allows the system to quickly adapt to changing conditions. This is especially important when new demands of groups and parties appear. Ignoring these requirements can lead to disintegration and collapse of society.
4.Extraction function. Extracting resources from the external and internal (natural, economic, social, etc.) environment.
5 . Distributive (distributive) function. Involves the distribution of functional load between various political institutions and components of the political system, Distribution of resources among groups within society; maintaining the normal functioning of the political system and ensuring its daily operation and further development.
6.Regulation function, i.e. impact on society. This impact can be manifested through the introduction of norms and rules on the basis of which individuals interact, as well as the application of measures against violators.
In modern political science, G. Almond most fully and consistently analyzes the functions of the political system. He proves that all systems perform two basic set functions - "input" functions and "output" functions. They are discussed in more detail in his model of the political system.
Almond examines the functioning of the political system at three levels, which allows comparison of different types of political systems.
The first level is the capabilities of the system. He understood opportunity as the government's power over society, the degree of influence on the minds and behavior of people in the interests of achieving government goals. In his opinion, there are five different types of opportunities, the likelihood of using which depends on the focus of the tasks being solved, the state of the socio-economic structure, the type of political regime, the level of legitimacy, etc. These opportunities can be very large in some cases and extremely small in others .
- 1. Extraactive (mobilization) is the ability of the system to draw human and material resources (people's talents, support, money, etc.) for certain purposes.
- 2. Regulatory capability is the ability to control the behavior of individuals and groups in society, to regulate the activities of society.
- 3. Distributive capacity is the ability to create, place and distribute material and intangible values in society.
- 4. Responsive capability is the ability of the system to respond to the requirements of the “output” of the appropriate policy, to respond to the diverse demands emanating from different groups.
- 5. The symbolizing opportunity is associated with the need for legitimacy and support, with the ability of the system to develop popular beliefs, views, myths, creating bright and intelligible symbols and slogans, to manipulate them in order to maintain the necessary legitimacy to achieve its goals.
At this level of analysis, the correspondence of the political system to society and the nature of the activity of the political system in relation to other systems are revealed.
Many political systems are essentially regulative and extractive in nature. Totalitarian systems suppress the demands of society and do not respond to demands emanating from the external environment. It is known that communist totalitarianism differed from fascist totalitarianism in its strong distributive ability.
The symbolizing possibility in totalitarian systems is also great.
In democratic systems, the “outputs” of regulation, extraction, and distribution are influenced by the “inputs” of group demands. Therefore, we can say that democracies have a higher responsiveness. The system's capabilities are, of course, related to the effectiveness of the system, that is, its general ability produce results, create and place value.
The second level of system functioning reflects what is happening within it, i.e. This refers to the conversion process. Conversion processes (or functions) are ways of converting input factors into output ones. The conversion process of one political system can be analyzed and compared with the process of another according to Almond's scheme, which provides six main functions:
- 1) how requirements are formed (articulation of interests);
- 2) how requirements are compiled into alternative action programs (aggregation of interests);
- 3) how norms are formed (rule-making);
- 4) how these norms are put into practice (implementation of norms);
- 5) how they are controlled and regulated (control of norms);
- 6) how all these various actions relate to each other within a given system, as well as when the system interacts with the environment.
The third level is the functions of maintaining the model and adaptation (processes of socialization and political recruitment). Here important point is to ensure that political actions and political development comply with basic principles, the constant reproduction of normative behavior and patterns of its motivation. The optimal level is achieved by ensuring a stable reaction of citizens towards the authorities and constant support.
The political system, operating in conditions of constant changes in the balance of forces and interests, solves the problem of ensuring social dynamics within the framework of sustainability and legality, maintaining order and political stability.
The concept of “political system” is voluminous in content. A political system can be defined as a set of political institutions, public structures, norms and values, their interactions, in which it is realized political power and political influence is exercised.
A political system is a set of state, political and public organizations, forms and interactions between them, through which the implementation of generally significant interests is carried out using political power.
Theory of the political system.
Topic 5. The political system of society and the problem of power.
1. Theory of the political system.
2. Structure and functions of the political system.
3. Types of political system.
4. Soviet-type political system.
The need to create a holistic understanding of the processes in the political sphere, its relationships with the outside world led to development of a systems approach in political science.
The term “political system” was introduced into political science in the 50-60s. XX century American political scientist D. Easton, who created the theory of the political system. Then this theory was developed in the works of G. Almond, W. Mitchell, K. Deutsch. etc. This was due to the need to consider politics as a system. This concept was intended to reflect 2 points: 1) the integrity of politics as an independent sphere of society, representing a set of interacting elements (state parties, leaders, law...); 2) the nature of the connection between politics and the external environment (economics,..). The concept of a political system can help identify the factors that ensure the stability and development of society, and reveal the mechanism for coordinating the interests of various groups.
Therefore, the political system includes not only political institutions involved in politics (state, parties, leaders, etc.), but also economic, social, cultural institutions, traditions and values, norms that have political significance and influence the political process. The purpose of all these political and social institutions is to distribute resources (economic, monetary, material, technological, etc.) and encourage the population to accept this distribution as mandatory for everyone.
Previously, politics was reduced to activities government agencies, highlighting them as the main subjects of power relations. Up to a certain point, this explanation reflected reality. However, the processes of development of civil society, the emergence of a free individual with his rights and freedoms led to the fact that the citizen began not only to obey, but also to influence the state through political organizations. Power has ceased to be a monopoly (prerogative) of the state, and power relations have become complex, because Non-governmental organizations began to participate in them. The complexity of power relations led to a revision of the then dominant institutional and behavioral approaches to explaining politics. Politics had to solve a more complex problem: the search for universal patterns and mechanisms that would provide society with stability and survival in an unfavorable external environment.
Systems theory originated in biology in the 1920s.
The concept of “system” was introduced into scientific circulation by a German biologist L. von Bertalanffy(1901-1972). He studied the cell as a “set of interdependent elements,” that is, as a system connected with the external environment. These elements are so interconnected that if you change even one element of the system, then all the others, the whole set, will change. The system develops due to the fact that it responds to signals from the outside and to the requirements of its internal elements.
The concept of “system” was transferred to society for consideration T. Parsons. He political system considers as specific element of the social system. That. Talcott, Parsons views society as a social system consisting of four subsystems that interact - economic, political, social and spiritual. Each of the subsystems performs its functions, responds to demands that come from within or from the outside, and together they ensure the functioning of society as a whole. Defining collective goals, mobilizing resources to achieve them, making decisions constitute the functions political subsystem. Social subsystem ensures the maintenance of an established way of life, conveys to new members of society norms, traditions, customs, values (which constitute the motivational structure of the individual.) And, finally, the integration of society, the establishment and preservation of ties of solidarity between its elements is carried out spiritual subsystem.
However, T. Parsons’ model is too abstract to explain all processes in the political sphere; it does not include cases of conflicts and tensions. Nevertheless, Parsons' theoretical model has had a significant influence on research in sociology and political science.
Theory of the political system by D. Easton. (systemic analysis)
Systems theory introduced into political science by an American political scientist D. Easton, who defined politics as “the volitional distribution of values.” ( Easton's main contribution to political science is the application of methods system analysis for the study of political systems, as well as the study of problems of political socialization). Hence, politic system, according to D. Eastonues set of political interactions in a given society . Its main purpose consists of the distribution of resources and values. Systems approach made it possible to more clearly define the place of politics in the life of society and identify the mechanism of social changes in it.
So with one side,politics stands as an independent sphere, the main purpose of which – resource allocation , and on the other hand, policy There is part of society, it must respond to impulses entering the system, prevent conflicts arising over the distribution of values between individuals and groups. That. a political system can exist with the ability to respond to impulses coming from the external environment and adapt to external operating conditions.
The mechanism of functioning of the political system.
The exchange of resources and interaction of the political system with the external environment is carried out according to the principle "entrance" And "exit».
"Entrance"- these are the ways
influence of the external environment on the political system.
"Exit"- this is a response, (reverse impact) of the system on the external environment, appearing in the form of decisions developed by the political system and its institutions.
D. Easton distinguishes 2 input types: requirement and support . Requirement can be defined as an appeal to authorities regarding the distribution of values and resources in society. For example, workers’ demands for an increase in the minimum wage. or teachers' demands for increased funding for education. Demands tend to weaken the political system. They are a consequence of the inattention of power structures to the changing interests and needs of social groups.
Support, on the contrary, means strengthening the entire system, and is an expression of a devoted, benevolent attitude towards the regime. Forms of manifestation of support can be considered the correct payment of taxes, fulfillment of military duty, respect for government institutions, and devotion to the ruling leadership.
As a result, the impact on "entrance" cause a reaction to "exit" On "exit"appear political decisions And political action. They come in the form of new laws, policy statements, court decisions, subsidies, etc.
(Consequently, the political system and the external environment are deeply interconnected).
In turn, decisions and actions influence the environment, resulting in new requirements. " Entrance and exit"systems constantly influence each other. This continuous cycle is called "feedback loop" . In political life Feedback is of fundamental importance to check the correctness of decisions made, correcting them, eliminating errors, organizing support. Feedback is also important for possible reorientation, departure from a given direction and selection of new goals and ways to achieve them.
Politic system, ignoring feedback, is ineffective because it fails to gauge the level of support, mobilize resources, and organize collective action in accordance with public goals. Eventually it turns out political crisis And loss of political stability.
That. the political process shows how social demands arise, how they turn into generally significant problems, and then into the subject of action by political institutions aimed at shaping public policy and the desired solution to problems. A systems approach helps to understand the mechanism for the formation of new political strategies, the role and interaction of various elements of the system in the political process.
However, D. Easton focused on interaction with the external environment And ignored internal structure of the hollow system which helps maintain balance in society.
Theory of the political system by G. Almond. (functional analysis P.S.)
An American political scientist proposed a different approach to the analysis of political interactions G. Almond.(specialist in general theoretical and comparative political science). He assumed that the ability of a political system to carry out transformations and maintain stability depends on the functions and roles of political institutions. Almond conducted comparative analysis different political systems, with the aim of identifying the main functions that contributed to effective social development. Comparative analysis P.S. implied a transition from the study of formal institutions to the consideration of specific manifestations of political behavior. Based on this, G. Almond and G. Powell determined political system How a set of roles and their interactions carried out not only by government institutions, but also by all structures of society. The political system must perform three groups of functions: Functions of interaction with the external environment ;
· Interconnection functions within the political sphere;
· Functions that ensure system preservation and adaptation.
Communicative theory of the political system by K. Deutsch.
Transition developed countries To information technology, introduction of computer technology, allowed us to consider the political system How mechanical model. He was the first to liken the political system cybernetic machine American political scientist K. Deutsch(b. 1912). He viewed the political system in the context of a “communication approach,” in which politics was understood as a process of managing and coordinating the efforts of people to achieve set goals. Special meaning in political communication has the exchange of information between managers and governed in order to achieve agreement. Therefore, the formulation of goals is carried out by the political system on the basis of information about the situation of society and its relationship to these goals. The functioning of a political system depends on the quality and volume of information coming from the external environment and information about its own movement. Political decisions are made based on two streams of information.
Model K. Deutsch draws attention to the importance of information in life half and
social systems , but omits the value of other variables: gender will, ideology, which can also influence the selection of information.
The political system consists of subsystems that are interconnected and ensure the functioning of public authority. Changing one leads to a change in the functioning of the entire system.
Institutional subsystem includes the state, political parties, public organizations and movements, pressure groups, media, church, etc. The central place is given to the state, which represents the entire society. It has sovereignty within state borders and independence beyond them. (By concentrating the majority of resources in its hands and having a monopoly on legal violence, the state has great opportunities to influence various aspects of public life). The maturity of this subsystem determines the degree of specialization of the roles and functions of its structures. Thanks to specialization, this subsystem can quickly and effectively respond to new needs and requirements of the population.
Regulatory includes legal, political, moral norms, values, traditions, customs. Through them, the political system has a regulatory impact on the activities of institutions and citizens.
Functional – these are methods of political activity, means and methods of exercising power (consent, coercion, violence, authority, etc.). The predominance of certain methods (coercion or coordination) determines the nature of the relationship between government and civil society, methods of integration and achieving integrity..
Communicative includes all forms of political interaction between government, society, and individual (press conferences, meetings with the population, television appearances, etc.). Communication system characterizes the openness of power, its ability to enter into dialogue, strive for agreement, respond to the needs of various groups, and exchange information with society.
Cultural – includes a value system, religion, mentality (a set of ideas about society, image, character and way of thinking). The higher the degree of cultural homogeneity, the higher the efficiency of the activities of half of the institutions.
Functions of the political system.
By interacting with each other, the subsystems ensure the life activity of the PS and contribute to the effective implementation of its functions in society. One of the most complete classifications of functions by P.S. given by G. Almond and D. Powell.
. Function of political socialization.
1. Regulatory function. It is expressed in the regulation of the behavior of groups, individuals, communities on the basis of the introduction of political and legal norms, compliance with which is ensured by the executive and judicial authorities.
2. Extraction function. Its essence lies in the ability of the system to draw resources from the external and internal environment for its functioning. Any system needs materials, financial resources, and political support.
3. Distribution (distributive)function. P.S. distributes received resources, statuses, privileges social institutions, individuals and groups to ensure integration within society. Thus, education, administration, and the army require centralized financing. These resources are drawn from the external environment, for example, from the economic sphere, through taxes.
4. Reaction function. It is expressed in the ability of the political system to be receptive to (impulses) the demands of various groups of the population. The quick response of the system determines its effectiveness.
5. Function of political socialization. It means the process of a person’s assimilation of half of values, ideals, knowledge, feelings, experience, allowing him to fulfill various political roles.
We must acknowledge Almond's merit in understanding the political system. Its result is the identification of three levels, equally inherent in all political systems:
First level. It represents the capabilities of the system. They reflect the power of the government over the population, the power of influence on the feelings, consciousness, will and activity of people in the interests of orientation towards the goals of the government. These include:
Extractive capability is the ability of a political system to extract and use resources for selected purposes. They determine human, labor and material resources, including: the activity and ability of people, organizational and moral support of people, financial sources and money.
- regulatory opportunity as the use of control over the behavior of people of interest and their groups, regulation of the activities of organizations;
- distributive opportunity as the ability to conduct the reproductive process and regulate the distribution of material and intangible values.
- responsive capability as the ability of a system to respond to “input requirements”, the formation of satisfying policies recognized by influential interest groups.
- symbolizing the opportunity as the ability of the system to pick up and develop popular and symbolic beliefs, views, myths, develop and create from them bright, intelligible images, appeals and slogans, and on this basis manipulate the population in order to ensure the necessary level of legitimacy of power.
Most political systems are regulative and extractive in nature. Totalitarian systems act by suppressing the demands of society, refuse to respond to them, they do not recognize the demands of the external environment, but they develop their symbolizing capabilities well.
The practice of political activity has failed democratic systems to the formation of “conclusions” of regulation, extraction and distribution, based on the composition and essence of the requirements of the groups during the “input”. This order reveals democracy as a higher responsive ability, which, according to political scientists, creates greater efficiency of the system - its ability to shape the result: create and place values.
At the second level of functioning, what is happening inside the system is revealed and has a conversion process as a way of transforming incoming factors into outgoing ones. The conversion process of different political systems is analyzed and compared according to the six main functions of Almond's scheme. This:
Formation of requirements (articulation of interests);
- procedure for establishing and compiling requirements into alternative action programs (aggregation of interests);
- formation of norms (rule-making);
- translation of norms into practice (implementation of norms);
- control and regulation (control over norms);
- the relationship between regulatory actions within the system and during the interaction of the system with the environment (communication).
At the third level there are models and adaptations: the process of socialization and recruitment - the emergence of new roles and the entry of previously unknown people into political life.
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One side is theory, the other is life, together - testing political life through theory. One side is the generation of abstract entry requirements, the other is the formation of a group of interests, the third is the feeling of consequences in the actions of “output” of system decisions. Each participant in the political field always generates certain demands. For the most part, they are based on certain needs and related interests. For many, they allow themselves to be included in the composition of participants in one of the political actions or in some interest group. Receive political, economic or legal preferences through it and use them at your discretion. Anyone who manages to prove his loyalty to the political guidelines of a group or party can take a key position in the hierarchy of available positions. Much less often, a new participant manages to become an organizer of the political activities of a separate party, although Russian history knows enough examples, most of which were unable to leave behind any history other than the intention or fact of registration with the Ministry of Justice. This is also a greater achievement, but it can usually be of significance for personal history. When responding to such activity at the entrance, the system can only make personnel decisions: involve the initiator in some activity, admit him to the political composition, or close his entrance.
A completely different plan of political activity provides the presentation of new ideas and the introduction of their meanings into political life. It is impossible to pretend to be serious, to imitate such activity: the rejection will be immediate and painful for the initiator, but it will be the will of the entire political field. Another case is the emergence of previously unknown ideas. The iron rule for dealing with them is to be surrounded by silence. Somehow it takes time to understand. Usually the political field waits for an authoritative opinion, then, as a rule, it is divided into harsh criticism and some solidary support. This is all a reward for many years of torment and one’s own trials. This is the perspective of an innovator in the political field. There are no political subsidies here. This state gives the innovator of the political process the right and opportunity to go his own way and approve new ideas, rules and balance of power for the political field. And only he can make such a decision, as well as take on the burden of the hardest work. It continues.