People speak of Stalin as the Leader and General Secretary, less often - as the Prime Minister, Chairman of the Government of the USSR. All this is true, but if you ask whether Stalin was the General Secretary until his death, then most of the respondents will be mistaken in saying that Joseph Vissarionovich died as General Secretary. Many historians are also mistaken when they say that Stalin wanted to resign from the post of Secretary General in the fifties.
The fact is that Stalin's post General Secretaries The All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) was liquidated in the thirties and until the sixties, already under Brezhnev, there were no general secretaries (already the Central Committee of the CPSU!) in the USSR. Khrushchev was First Secretary and Head of the Government after Stalin's death. What position did Stalin himself hold from the thirties until his death, and what position did he want to leave? Let's figure this out.
Was Stalin the General Secretary? This question will puzzle almost everyone. The answer will follow - of course, there was! But if you ask an elderly person who remembers the late 30s - early 50s, whether Stalin was called that then, he will answer: “I don’t remember something. You know, definitely not.”
On the other hand, we have heard many times that in April 1922, at the plenum of the Central Committee after the 21st Party Congress, “at Lenin’s proposal” Stalin was elected General Secretary. And after that there was a lot of talk about his secretaryship.
It should be sorted out. Let's start from afar.
Secretary, according to the original meaning of the word, is a clerical position. Not a single state or political institution can do without office work. The Bolsheviks, who from the very beginning aimed at seizing power, paid a lot of attention to their archives. It was inaccessible to most party members, but Lenin often looked into it for his polemics, in other words, criticism. He had no difficulties - Krupskaya kept the archive.
After February Revolution Elena Stasova became the secretary of the Central Committee (still with a small letter). If Krupskaya kept the party archive in her desk, then Stasova was given a room in the Kseshinskaya mansion, and she had a staff of 3 assistants. In August 1917, after the 6th Congress of the Central Committee, a secretariat was established, headed by Sverdlov.
Further more. Bureaucratization gradually took hold of the Bolshevik Party. In 1919, the Politburo and the Organizing Bureau emerged. Stalin entered into both. In 1920, Krestinsky, a supporter of Trotsky, became the head of the secretariat. A year after another discussion, or simply put another way - squabbles, Krestinsky and other “Trotskyists” were removed from all the highest bodies of the party. Stalin, as usual, skillfully maneuvered and remained senior in the Organizing Bureau, which included the secretariat.
While Lenin and other “best minds” of the party were engaged in big politics, Stalin, in Trotsky’s words, “an outstanding mediocrity,” was preparing his army - the party apparatus. Separately, it should be said about Molotov, a typical party official, completely devoted to Stalin. He was in 1921-22. led the secretariat, i.e. was his predecessor.
By April 1922, when Stalin became General Secretary, his position was quite strong. Almost no one noticed this appointment itself. In the first edition of the Great Soviet Encyclopedia, in the article “VKP(b)” (1928), Stalin is never mentioned separately and there is not a word about any General Secretary. And it was drawn up in a “working order”, among others they “listened and decided”, at the suggestion, by the way, of Kamenev.
Most often, the General Secretary was remembered in connection with the so-called “Testament of Lenin” (in fact, the document was called “Letter to the Congress”). One should not think that Lenin only spoke badly about Stalin: “too rude,” and suggested replacing him with someone else. The most humane man did not say a kind word about any of his “Partaigenossa”.
Eat important feature Lenin's statements about Stalin. Lenin dictated the proposal to remove him on January 4, 1923 after he learned of Stalin’s rudeness towards Krupskaya. The main text of the “Testament” was dictated on December 23-25, 1922, and it speaks quite restrainedly about Stalin: “he concentrated immense power in his hands,” etc. In any case, not much worse than others (Trotsky is self-confident, Bukharin is a scholastic, does not understand dialectics, and in general, is almost a non-Marxist). So much for the “principled” Vladimir Ilyich. Until Stalin became rude to his wife, he did not even think about removing Stalin.
I will not dwell in detail on the further history of the Testament. It is important to emphasize that Stalin, through skillful demagoguery, flexible tactics, and blocking with various “tsekists”, ensured that the post of General Secretary remained with him. Let's go straight to 1934, when the 17th Party Congress took place.
It has already been written many times that some of the congress delegates decided to replace Stalin with Kirov. Naturally, there are no documents about this, and the “memoir evidence” is extremely contradictory. The party's charter, based on the notorious "democratic centralism", completely excludes any personnel movements by decision of the congresses. The congresses elected only central bodies, but no one personally. Such issues were resolved in a narrow circle of the party elite.
Nevertheless, the “Testament” was not forgotten, and Stalin could not yet consider himself guaranteed against any accidents. At the end of the 20s, the “Testament” was mentioned openly or covertly at various party gatherings. For example, Kamenev, Bukharin and even Kirov spoke about him. Stalin had to defend himself. He interpreted Lenin’s words about his rudeness as praise that he was supposedly rude to those who “rudely and treacherously destroy and split the party.”
By 1934, Stalin decided to put an end to all talk related to the Testament. During the era of the “Great Terror”, the storage of this Leninist document began to be equated with counter-revolutionary activity. With corresponding conclusions. Neither at the 17th Congress, nor at the subsequent plenum of the Central Committee, the question of the General Secretary was raised. Since then, Stalin signed all documents modestly - Secretary of the Central Committee, even after Molotov's Presovnarkom. This was the case until May 1940, when he combined both positions.
In October 1952, at the plenum after the 19th Congress, the position of the General Secretary was abolished - officially, however, there was no announcement about this. No one should have remembered this story at all.
The General Secretariat was revived many years later, during the Brezhnev era.
In conclusion, it should be emphasized that the topic of this note is rather secondary, and in no case should Stalin’s reluctance to be called General Secretary after 1934 be considered a sign of his “modesty”. This is just his petty maneuver, aimed at quickly forgetting about Lenin’s letter and all the vicissitudes associated with it.
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This now almost unused abbreviation was once known to every child and was pronounced almost with reverence. Central Committee of the CPSU! What do these letters mean?
About the name
The abbreviation we are interested in means, or more simply, Central Committee. Considering the importance of the Communist Party in society, its governing body could well be called the kitchen in which fateful decisions for the country were “cooked.” Members of the CPSU Central Committee, the main elite of the country, are the “cooks” in this kitchen, and the “chef” is Secretary General.
From the history of the CPSU
The history of this public entity began long before the revolution and the proclamation of the USSR. Until 1952, its names changed several times: RCP(b), VKP(b). These abbreviations reflected both the ideology, which was clarified each time (from workers' social democracy to the Bolshevik Communist Party), and the scale (from Russian to all-Union). But the names are not the point. From the 20s to the 90s of the last century, a one-party system functioned in the country, and the Communist Party had a complete monopoly. The Constitution of 1936 recognized it as the governing core, and in the main law of the country of 1977 it was even proclaimed the guiding and guiding force of society. Any directives issued by the CPSU Central Committee instantly acquired the force of law.
All this, of course, did not contribute to the democratic development of the country. In the USSR, inequality of rights along party lines was actively promoted. Even small leadership positions could only be applied for by members of the CPSU, who could be held accountable for mistakes along party lines. One of the most terrible punishments was deprivation of a party card. The CPSU positioned itself as a party of workers and collective farmers, so there were quite strict quotas for its recruitment with new members. It was hard for a representative to find himself in the party ranks creative profession or a knowledge worker; The CPSU monitored its national composition no less strictly. Thanks to this selection, the truly best did not always end up in the party.
From the party charter
In accordance with the Charter, all activities of the Communist Party were collegial. In primary organizations, decisions were made at general meetings, but in general the governing body was a congress held every few years. A party plenum was held approximately every six months. The Central Committee of the CPSU in the intervals between plenums and congresses was the leading unit responsible for all party activities. In turn, the highest body that led the Central Committee itself was the Politburo, headed by the General (First) Secretary.
In number functional responsibilities The Central Committee included personnel policy and local control, expenditure of the party budget and management of activities public structures. But not only. Together with the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee, he determined all ideological activities in the country and resolved the most important political and economic issues.
It is difficult for people who have not lived to understand this. In a democratic country where a number of parties operate, their activities are of little concern to the average person - he only remembers them before elections. But in the USSR the leading role of the Communist Party was even emphasized constitutionally! In factories and collective farms, in military units and in creative groups, the party organizer was the second (and in importance often the first) leader of this structure. Formally, the Communist Party could not manage economic or political processes: for this there was a Council of Ministers. But in fact, the Communist Party decided everything. No one was surprised by the fact that the most important political problems and five-year plans for economic development were discussed and determined by party congresses. The Central Committee of the CPSU directed all these processes.
About the main person in the party
Theoretically, the Communist Party was a democratic entity: from the time of Lenin until the last moment, there was no unity of command in it, and there were no formal leaders. It was assumed that the secretary of the Central Committee was just a technical position, and the members of the governing body were equal. The first secretaries of the CPSU Central Committee, or rather the RCP(b), were indeed not very noticeable figures. E. Stasova, Y. Sverdlov, N. Krestinsky, V. Molotov - although their names were well-known, their relationship to practical guide these people didn't have. But with the arrival of I. Stalin, the process went differently: the “father of nations” managed to crush all power under himself. A corresponding position also appeared - Secretary General. It must be said that the names of party leaders changed periodically: the General Secretaries were replaced by the First Secretaries of the CPSU Central Committee, then vice versa. WITH light hand Stalin, regardless of the title of his position, the party leader at the same time became the main person of the state.
After the death of the leader in 1953, N. Khrushchev and L. Brezhnev held this post, then for a short period the position was occupied by Yu. Andropov and K. Chernenko. The last party leader was M. Gorbachev, who was also the only President of the USSR. The era of each of them was significant in its own way. If Stalin is considered by many to be a tyrant, then Khrushchev is usually called a voluntarist, and Brezhnev is the father of stagnation. Gorbachev went down in history as the man who first destroyed and then buried a huge state - the Soviet Union.
Conclusion
The history of the CPSU was academic discipline, mandatory for all universities in the country, and every schoolchild in the Soviet Union knew the main milestones in the development and activities of the party. Revolution, then civil war, industrialization and collectivization, victory over fascism and the post-war restoration of the country. And then virgin lands and space flights, large-scale all-Union construction projects - the history of the party was closely intertwined with the history of the state. In each case, the role of the CPSU was considered dominant, and the word “communist” was synonymous with a true patriot and simply a worthy person.
But if you read the history of the party differently, between the lines, you get a terrible thriller. Millions of repressed people, exiled peoples, camps and political murders, reprisals against undesirables, persecution of dissidents... We can say that the author of every black page of Soviet history is the CPSU Central Committee.
In the USSR they loved to quote Lenin’s words: “The party is the mind, honor and conscience of our era.” Alas! In fact, the Communist Party was neither one nor the other, nor the third. After the 1991 coup, the activities of the CPSU in Russia were banned. Is the Russian Communist Party the successor to the All-Union Party? Even experts find it difficult to explain this.
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Plan
Introduction
1 Joseph Stalin (April 1922 - March 1953)
1.1 The post of General Secretary and Stalin’s victory in the struggle for power (1922-1934)
1.2 Stalin - sovereign ruler of the USSR (1934-1951)
1.3 The last years of Stalin's reign (1951-1953)
1.4 Death of Stalin (5 March 1953)
1.5 March 5, 1953 - Stalin's associates dismiss the leader an hour before his death
2 The struggle for power after the death of Stalin (March 1953 - September 1953)
3 Nikita Khrushchev (September 1953 - October 1964)
3.1 Post of First Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee
3.2 First attempt to remove Khrushchev from power (June 1957)
3.3 Khrushev's removal from power (October 1964)
4 Leonid Brezhnev (1964-1982)
5 Yuri Andropov (1982-1984)
6 Konstantin Chernenko (1984-1985)
7 Mikhail Gorbachev (1985-1991)
7.1 Gorbachev - General Secretary
7.2 Election of Gorbachev as Chairman of the USSR Supreme Council
7.3 Position of Deputy Secretary General
7.4 Ban of the CPSU and abolition of the post of Secretary General
8 List of General (First) Secretaries of the Party Central Committee - those who officially held such a position
Bibliography
Introduction
Party historyOctober Revolution
War communism
New Economic Policy
Stalinism
Khrushchev's thaw
The era of stagnation
Perestroika
General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee (in informal use and everyday speech it is often shortened to General Secretary) - the most significant and only non-collegial position in the Central Committee of the Communist Party Soviet Union. The position was introduced as part of the Secretariat on April 3, 1922 at the Plenum of the Central Committee of the RCP (b), elected by the XI Congress of the RCP (b), when I. V. Stalin was approved in this capacity.
From 1934 to 1953, this position was not mentioned at the plenums of the Central Committee during the elections of the Secretariat of the Central Committee. From 1953 to 1966, the First Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee was elected, and in 1966 the position of General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee was again established.
Joseph Stalin (April 1922 - March 1953)
The post of General Secretary and Stalin's victory in the struggle for power (1922-1934)
The proposal to establish this post and appoint Stalin to it was made based on Zinoviev’s idea by member of the Politburo of the Central Committee Lev Kamenev, in agreement with Lenin. Lenin was not afraid of any competition from the uncultured and politically small Stalin. But for the same reason, Zinoviev and Kamenev made him secretary general: they considered Stalin a politically insignificant person, saw in him a convenient assistant, but not a rival.Initially, this position meant only the leadership of the party apparatus, while the Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars, Lenin, formally remained the leader of the party and government. In addition, leadership in the party was considered inextricably linked with the merits of the theorist; therefore, following Lenin, Trotsky, Kamenev, Zinoviev and Bukharin were considered the most prominent “leaders”, while Stalin was seen to have neither theoretical merits nor special merits in the revolution.
Lenin highly valued Stalin's organizational skills, but Stalin's despotic behavior and his rudeness towards N. Krupskaya made Lenin repent of his appointment, and in his “Letter to the Congress” Lenin stated that Stalin was too rude and should be removed from the post of General Secretary. But due to illness, Lenin withdrew from political activity.
Stalin, Zinoviev and Kamenev organized a triumvirate based on opposition to Trotsky.
Before the start of the XIII Congress (held in May 1924), Lenin's widow Nadezhda Krupskaya handed over a “Letter to the Congress”. It was announced at a meeting of the Council of Elders. Stalin announced his resignation for the first time at this meeting. Kamenev proposed to resolve the issue by voting. The majority was in favor of leaving Stalin as General Secretary; only Trotsky's supporters voted against.
After Lenin's death, Leon Trotsky claimed the role of the first person in the party and state. But he lost to Stalin, who masterfully played the combination, winning over Kamenev and Zinoviev to his side. And Stalin’s real career begins only from the moment when Zinoviev and Kamenev, wanting to seize Lenin’s inheritance and organizing the struggle against Trotsky, chose Stalin as an ally who must be had in the party apparatus.
On December 27, 1926, Stalin submitted his resignation from the post of General Secretary: “I ask you to relieve me from the post of General Secretary of the Central Committee. I declare that I can no longer work in this position, I am unable to work in this position any longer.” The resignation was not accepted.
It is interesting that Stalin never signed the full title of his position in official documents. He signed himself as "Secretary of the Central Committee" and was addressed as Secretary of the Central Committee. When was the Encyclopedic Directory "Figures of the USSR and revolutionary movements Russia" (prepared in 1925 - 1926), then there, in the article "Stalin", Stalin was presented as follows: "since 1922, Stalin has been one of the secretaries of the Central Committee of the party, in which position he remains now.", that is, not a word about the post of General Secretary. Since the author of the article was Stalin’s personal secretary Ivan Tovstukha, it means that this was Stalin’s desire.
By the end of the 1920s, Stalin had concentrated so much personal power in his hands that the position became associated with the highest position in the party leadership, although the Charter of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks did not provide for its existence.
When Molotov was appointed Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR in 1930, he asked to be relieved of his duties as Secretary of the Central Committee. Stalin agreed. And Lazar Kaganovich began to perform the duties of the second secretary of the Central Committee. He replaced Stalin in the Central Committee. .
Stalin - sovereign ruler of the USSR (1934-1951)
According to R. Medvedev, in January 1934, at the XVII Congress, an illegal bloc was formed mainly from the secretaries of regional committees and the Central Committee of the National Communist Parties, who, more than anyone else, felt and understood the error of Stalin’s policies. Proposals were put forward to move Stalin to the post of Chairman of the Council people's commissars or the Central Executive Committee, and elect S.M. to the post of General Secretary of the Central Committee. Kirov. A group of congress delegates talked with Kirov on this subject, but he resolutely refused, and without his consent the whole plan became unrealistic.- Molotov, Vyacheslav Mikhailovich 1977: “ Kirov is a weak organizer. He's a good extra. And we treated him well. Stalin loved him. I say that he was Stalin's favorite. The fact that Khrushchev cast a shadow on Stalin, as if he killed Kirov, is vile».
Since 1934, mention of the position of General Secretary has completely disappeared from documents. At the Plenums of the Central Committee, held after the XVII, XVIII and XIX Party Congresses, Stalin was elected Secretary of the Central Committee, effectively performing the functions of the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Party. After the XVII Congress of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, held in 1934, the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks elected the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, consisting of Zhdanov, Kaganovich, Kirov and Stalin. Stalin, as chairman of the meetings of the Politburo and the Secretariat, retained general leadership, that is, the right to approve this or that agenda and determine the degree of readiness of draft decisions submitted for consideration.
Stalin continued to sign his name in official documents as “Secretary of the Central Committee,” and continued to be addressed as Secretary of the Central Committee.
Subsequent updates to the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks in 1939 and 1946. were also carried out with the election of formally equal secretaries of the Central Committee. The CPSU Charter, adopted at the 19th Congress of the CPSU, did not contain any mention of the existence of the position of “general secretary”.
In May 1941, in connection with the appointment of Stalin as Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR, the Politburo adopted a resolution in which Andrei Zhdanov was officially named Stalin's deputy in the party: “In view of the fact that comrade. Stalin, remaining at the insistence of the Politburo of the Central Committee as the first Secretary of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, will not be able to devote sufficient time to work on the Secretariat of the Central Committee, appoint Comrade. Zhdanova A.A. Deputy Comrade. Stalin on the Secretariat of the Central Committee."
The official status of deputy party leader was not awarded to Vyacheslav Molotov and Lazar Kaganovich, who had previously actually performed this role.
The struggle among the country's leaders intensified as Stalin increasingly raised the question that in the event of his death he needed to select successors in the leadership of the party and government. Molotov recalled: “After the war, Stalin was about to retire and at the table said: “Let Vyacheslav work now. He's younger."
For a long time, Molotov was seen as a possible successor to Stalin, but later Stalin, who considered the first post in the USSR to be the head of government, suggested in private conversations that he sees Nikolai Voznesensky as his successor in the state line
Continuing to see Voznesensky as his successor in leadership of the government of the country, Stalin began to look for another candidate for the post of party leader. Mikoyan recalled: “I think it was 1948. Once Stalin pointed to 43-year-old Alexei Kuznetsov and said that future leaders should be young, and in general, such a person could someday become his successor in leadership of the party and the Central Committee.”
By this time, two dynamic rival groups had formed in the country's leadership. Then events took a tragic turn. In August 1948, the leader of the “Leningrad group” A.A. suddenly died. Zhdanov. Almost a year later in 1949, Voznesensky and Kuznetsov became key figures in the Leningrad Affair. They were sentenced to death and executed on October 1, 1950.
The last years of Stalin's reign (1951-1953)
Since Stalin’s health was a taboo topic, only various rumors served as a source for versions of his illnesses. His health began to affect his performance. Many documents remained unsigned for a long time. He was the Chairman of the Council of Ministers, and at meetings of the Council of Ministers it was not he who chaired, but Voznesensky (until he was removed from all posts in 1949). After Voznesensky Malenkov. According to historian Yu. Zhukov, the decline in Stalin’s performance began in February 1950 and reached its lowest limit, stabilizing in May 1951.As Stalin began to get tired of everyday affairs and business papers remained unsigned for a long time, in February 1951 it was decided that three leaders - Malenkov, Beria and Bulganin - had the right to sign for Stalin, and they used his facsimile.
Georgy Malenkov led the preparations for the Nineteenth Congress of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks), which took place in October 1952. At the congress, Malenkov was instructed to deliver the Report of the Central Committee, which was a sign of Stalin’s special trust. Georgy Malenkov was seen as his most likely successor.
On the last day of the congress, October 14, Stalin gave a short speech. This was Stalin's last open public appearance.
The procedure for electing the leading bodies of the party at the Plenum of the Central Committee on October 16, 1952 was quite specific. Stalin, taking a piece of paper out of the pocket of his jacket, said: “It would be possible to elect, for example, the following comrades to the Presidium of the CPSU Central Committee - Comrade Stalin, Comrade Andrianov, Comrade Aristov, Comrade Beria, Comrade Bulganin...” and then 20 more in alphabetical order. names, including the names of Molotov and Mikoyan, to whom in his speech he had just, without any reason, expressed political distrust. Then he read out the candidates for membership in the Presidium of the CPSU Central Committee, including the names of Brezhnev and Kosygin.
Then Stalin took out another piece of paper from the side pocket of his jacket and said: “Now about the Secretariat of the Central Committee. It would be possible to elect the following comrades as secretaries of the Central Committee: Comrade Stalin, Comrade Aristov, Comrade Brezhnev, Comrade Ignatov, Comrade Malenkov, Comrade Mikhailov, Comrade Pegov, Comrade Ponomarenko, Comrade Suslov, Comrade Khrushchev.”
In total, Stalin proposed 36 people to the Presidium and Secretariat.
At the same plenum, Stalin tried to resign from his party duties, refusing the post of Secretary of the Central Committee, but under pressure from the plenum delegates he accepted this position.
Suddenly, someone loudly shouted from the spot: “We must elect Comrade Stalin as General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee.” Everyone stood up and there was thunderous applause. The ovation continued for several minutes. We, sitting in the hall, believed that this was quite natural. But Stalin waved his hand, calling everyone to silence, and when the applause died down, unexpectedly for the members of the Central Committee he said: “No! Release me from my duties as General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee and Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR.” After these words, some kind of shock arose, an amazing silence reigned... Malenkov quickly went down to the podium and said: “Comrades! We must all unanimously and unanimously ask Comrade Stalin, our leader and teacher, to continue to be the General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee.” Thunderous applause and applause followed again. Then Stalin walked to the podium and said: “Applause is not needed at the Plenum of the Central Committee. It is necessary to resolve issues without emotions, in a businesslike manner. And I ask to be relieved of my duties as General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee and Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR. I'm already old. I don't read papers. Choose another secretary!” Those sitting in the hall began to make noise. Marshall S.K. Timoshenko rose from the front rows and loudly declared: “Comrade Stalin, the people will not understand this! We, all as one, elect you as our leader - General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. There can be no other solution." Everyone, standing and warmly applauding, supported Comrade Tymoshenko. Stalin stood for a long time and looked into the hall, then waved his hand and sat down.
- From the memoirs of Leonid Efremov “On the roads of struggle and labor” (1998)
When the question arose about the formation of the leading bodies of the party, Stalin took the floor and began to say that it was difficult for him to be both the prime minister of the government and the general secretary of the party: The years are not the same; I'm having a hard time; no forces; Well, what kind of prime minister is he who cannot even make a speech or report? Stalin said this and peered inquisitively into their faces, as if he was studying how the Plenum would react to his words about resignation. Not a single person sitting in the hall admitted the possibility of Stalin's resignation. And everyone instinctively felt that Stalin did not want his words about resignation to be accepted.
- From the memoirs of Dmitry Shepilov “Non-Aligned”
Unexpectedly for everyone, Stalin proposed creating a new, non-statutory body - the Bureau of the Presidium of the Central Committee. It was supposed to perform the functions of the former all-powerful Politburo. Stalin proposed not to include Molotov and Mikoyan in this supreme party body. This was adopted by the Plenum, as always, unanimously.
Stalin continued to search for a successor, but no longer shared his intentions with anyone. It is known that shortly before his death, Stalin considered Panteleimon Ponomarenko as a successor and continuer of his work. Ponomarenko's high authority was demonstrated at the 19th Congress of the CPSU. When he took the podium to make his speech, the delegates greeted him with applause. However, Stalin did not have time to carry out a poll through the Presidium of the Central Committee to appoint P.K. Ponomarenko to the post of Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR. Only Beria, Malenkov, Khrushchev and Bulganin out of 25 members of the Presidium of the Central Committee did not have time to sign the appointment document. .
Death of Stalin (March 5, 1953)
According to the official version, on March 1, 1953, at a dacha in Kuntsevo, Stalin suffered an apoplexy, from which he died 4 days later, on March 5. Only at seven in the morning on March 2, doctors who appeared at the dacha in Kuntsevo began examining the dying Stalin. Precious time was lost, the leader’s death was a foregone conclusion. The first bulletin about Stalin’s illness was published on March 4, where it was falsely reported that Stalin was in his apartment in the Kremlin, although in fact his stroke occurred at his dacha in Kuntsevo. On March 5, a second bulletin was published, from which it was clear that the patient’s situation was hopeless.On March 6, all newspapers will announce the death of the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR and Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin, on March 5 at 9:50 pm.
1.5. March 5, 1953 - Stalin's associates dismiss the leader an hour before his death
After Stalin’s stroke, the first meeting of the Bureau of the Presidium of the CPSU Central Committee was held on March 2 at 12 o’clock in Kuntsevo. Busy days are March 2, 3, 4, 5. New meetings of the Bureau of the Presidium of the CPSU Central Committee. Malenkov clearly took the reins into his own hands.End of day March 5th. Another meeting. The resolution adopted at it meant: senior party leaders had already dared to carry out the procedure for transferring power to a new leader. At the suggestion of Malenkov and Beria, it was decided to hold a joint meeting of the Presidium of the CPSU Central Committee, the Council of Ministers and the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR that evening in the Kremlin.
The adopted resolution noted that “in connection with the serious illness of Comrade Stalin, which entails a more or less long-term non-participation in leadership activities, to consider, during Comrade Stalin’s absence, the most important task of the party and government to ensure uninterrupted and correct leadership of the entire life of the country.. ."
The joint meeting was scheduled for 8 p.m. Only at eight forty the meeting was finally opened. The meeting was short-lived: it lasted only ten minutes. Its main result is that Stalin was dismissed from his post as head of government. This post was taken by Malenkov. They did not want to leave Stalin even formally in the position of the highest government leader. .
Malenkov was one of the main contenders for Stalin's inheritance and, having agreed with Khrushchev, Beria and others, took the most important post in the USSR - Chairman of the Council of Ministers. Malenkov, Beria and others believed that positions in the Council of Ministers were much more important. .
At the same joint meeting, they approved new line-up The Presidium of the Central Committee of the CPSU, which included the dying Stalin. But Stalin was relieved of his duties as Secretary of the Central Committee. Thus, Stalin’s associates did not allow the leader to die not only as the head of the government, but also as the official leader of the party.
At the end of the meeting, Khrushchev declares the joint meeting closed. One hour after the meeting, Stalin dies. Khrushchev lies in his memoirs when he says that the distribution of “portfolios” was made after Stalin’s death.
Newspapers will publish the Resolution of the Joint Meeting of the Plenum of the Central Committee, the Council of Ministers of the USSR and the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Council only on March 7, without indicating the date when the meeting was held or on what date the resolution was adopted. In the history books they will write that the appointment of the new leadership of the country took place on March 6, the deceased will be deleted from the new composition of the Presidium of the Central Committee, the dismissal of Stalin from the posts of Secretary of the Central Committee and the Presidium will be hidden - that is, Stalin officially remained the leader of the party and the country until his death.
The struggle for power after the death of Stalin (March 1953 - September 1953)
Already on March 14, Malenkov was forced to resign from the post of Secretary of the Central Committee, transferring control over the party apparatus to Khrushchev. Despite the fact that Malenkov left his job in the Secretariat of the Central Committee by decision of the March Plenum of the Central Committee (March 14, 1953), he received the right to chair meetings of the Presidium of the Central Committee, as in twenties Lenin. Malenkov’s main rivalry in the struggle for power was with Khrushchev. There was an agreement: the two of them – Malenkov and Khrushchev – would draw up the agenda for meetings of the Presidium of the Central Committee.Malenkov stopped betting on an alliance with Beria. The rejection of this alliance deprived Malenkov of strong support, contributed to the creation of a political vacuum around him, and ultimately contributed to his loss of leadership. However, both Malenkov and Khrushchev saw in Beria a possible third force in the struggle for power. By mutual agreement, it was decided to eliminate Beria.
Under the de facto power of the triumvirate - Malenkov, Beria, Khrushchev - the latter, with the support of Bulganin and Zhukov, organized the arrest of Beria, and was later able to push Malenkov aside
In August 1953, it still seemed to many that it was Malenkov who acted as the leader of the country. For example, at the Session of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR held in early August, he delivered a report that was perceived as programmatic.
A month passed and the situation changed dramatically. Malenkov’s rival, Nikita Khrushchev, relied on the implementation of the guidelines of the highest party and state bodies, adopted on March 5, 1953 at their joint meeting in the Kremlin. According to this installation, Khrushchev was instructed to “concentrate on work in the Central Committee of the CPSU.” The variant of such “concentration” was found by Khrushchev unmistakably. On Khrushchev’s initiative, the post of First Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee was established, which he himself took on September 7, 1953.
For six months, from March to September 1953, Malenkov, having taken the post that belonged to Stalin, was perceived as his immediate heir. However, Stalin, who abolished the post of General Secretary of the Party Central Committee, did not leave a special party position for inheritance and thereby deprived his successors of the right to “automatically” decide the issue of leadership. Khrushchev, having achieved the introduction of a post of similar importance, came to the desired goal, reviving the Stalinist formulation of the question: the party leader is the leader of the country.
Nikita Khrushchev (September 1953 - October 1964)
3.1. Post of First Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee
During the September Plenum of the Central Committee, during a break between meetings of the plenum, Malenkov unexpectedly turned to the members of the Presidium with a proposal to elect Khrushchev as First Secretary of the Central Committee at the same plenum. Bulganin enthusiastically supported this proposal. The rest reacted to the proposal with reserve. The fact that the main leader of the country, Malenkov, was provoked to make such a proposal contributed to its support by other members of the Presidium. This solution was proposed at the plenum. Literally in the last minutes of work, without any discussion, in passing, N.S. was unanimously elected. Khrushchev as first secretary of the party.The creation of this post meant the actual revival of the post of Secretary General. Neither the post of First Secretary, nor in the twenties the post of General Secretary, was provided for by the party charter. The establishment of the post of First Secretary in September 1953 also meant a rejection of the principle of collective leadership, adopted only six months earlier at the March Plenum of the Central Committee.
Having received the post of First Secretary of the Central Committee, Khrushchev did not immediately take the place in the hierarchy corresponding to his leading position government agencies. Political power was divided between the First Secretary and the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, who was supported by the conservative wing of the communists. . And the leader of the country could, according to the ideas of that time, be satisfied with the post of head of government. Both Lenin and Stalin held such a post. Khrushchev also received it, but not immediately, but four and a half years after the September Plenum of 1953.
After September 1953, Malenkov still tried to share the palm with Khrushchev, but he did not succeed. Malenkov then served as Chairman of the Council of Ministers for less than a year and a half. This was the end of his political career.
First attempt to remove Khrushchev from power (June 1957)
In June 1957, the first attempt was made to remove Khrushchev by a group of Stalinists - Malenkov, Molotov, Kaganovich and others. At a four-day meeting of the Presidium of the Central Committee, 7 members of the Presidium voted for the release of Khrushchev from his duties as First Secretary of the Central Committee. They accused Khrushchev of voluntarism and discrediting the party, and after his removal they thought of appointing him Minister of Agriculture. .The post of First Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee was supposed to be abolished. According to Malenkov, the meetings of the Presidium of the Central Committee should have been chaired by the head of the Council of Ministers; in the opinion of Saburov and Pervukhin, all members of the Presidium should have chaired in turn. Stalin's old guard considered Vyacheslav Molotov as a candidate for the post of party leader.
June 18, 1957 - The Presidium of the CPSU Central Committee decided to remove N.S. Khrushchev from the post of First Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee.
Presidium Minister Bulganin ordered the Minister of Internal Affairs to send encrypted telegrams to the regional committees and republican Central Committees about the decision of the Presidium of the Central Committee, and ordered the heads of TASS and the State Committee for Radio and Television to report this in the media. However, they did not carry out these orders, since Khrushchev had already managed to take measures to ensure that the Secretariat of the Central Committee actually took control of the country into its own hands. While the meeting of the Presidium of the Central Committee was going on, employees of the Secretariat of the Central Committee began to notify members of the Central Committee loyal to Khrushchev and gather them to organize resistance to the Presidium, and at the same time, under the pretext that it was necessary to gather all members of the Presidium of the Central Committee, Mikoyan ensured that the meeting of the Presidium continued the next day.
Khrushchev could use well-armed KGB units against the rebels from the Presidium in the event of Marshal Zhukov’s neutrality. If in June 1953 Malenkov and Khrushchev feared that Beria would use armed men from the Ministry of Internal Affairs against them, now Malenkov and his allies could fear that KGB Chairman Serov and his people would stand up for Khrushchev. At the same time, the warring parties sought Zhukov’s support. His position was significantly different from the one he occupied in June 1953. Then he obediently followed the commands of his superiors, such as Bulganin and Malenkov for him. Now he was a candidate member of the Presidium of the Central Committee and Minister of Defense. In a situation of temporary dual power, Zhukov felt the dependence of the fighting groups on him. Ultimately, Zhukov took Khrushchev's side.
Before the meeting of the Presidium of the Central Committee, which resumed on June 19, Khrushchev held a meeting with those who were on his side. Zhukov told Khrushchev: “I will arrest them, I have everything ready.” Furtseva supported Zhukov: “That’s right, we need to remove them.” Suslov and Mukhitdinov were against it. At the same time, the secretariat organized, secretly from the Presidium of the Central Committee, the summoning of members of the Central Committee to Moscow, who were outside the capital. They were transported to Moscow by air force planes. By June 19, several dozen members and candidates for membership of the Central Committee gathered in Moscow. The actions of these people were coordinated by Furtseva and Ignatov. They formed a delegation of 20 people to negotiate with members of the Presidium of the Central Committee.
Zhukov announced at a meeting of the Presidium his intention to act as the leader of the country's rebel armed forces. Zhukov's threats, the active assistance of other power ministers, sabotage of TASS and Gosteleradio, pressure from members of the Central Committee all had an impact on the members of the Presidium. On June 20 and 21, the meeting of the Presidium was continued. The discussion was extremely heated. With thirty years of experience in the highest party body, Voroshilov complained that this had never happened during his entire work in the Politburo. Unable to withstand the intensity of passions, Brezhnev lost consciousness and was carried out of the meeting room. Members of the Central Committee, gathered in the Sverdlovsk Hall, achieved the convening of a plenum.
On June 22, 1957, a plenum of the Central Committee opened, at which Suslov, Khrushchev and others sought to place the main blame on three people - Malenkov, Kaganovich and Molotov, so that the fact that the majority of members of the Presidium of the Central Committee would not be too conspicuous was that Khrushchev was opposed. It immediately became clear that the speaker's assessments were supported in the audience.
The plenum lasted eight days, from June 22 to 29. Resolution of the plenum (published only on July 4) “On the anti-party group of Malenkov G.M., Kaganovich L.M., Molotov V.M.” was adopted unanimously, with one abstention (V.M. Molotov). At the plenum, Molotov, Malenkov, Kaganovich and Shepilov were expelled from the Central Committee. Khrushchev repeatedly emphasized that all four were not arrested and shot, and in this he saw his own merit. He kept silent about the fact that his opponents also did not propose to arrest him and did not even intend to expel him from the Presidium of the Central Committee.
The June events in 1957 showed that the fate of the country's leadership largely depended on the position of Marshal Zhukov. Khrushchev remembered and often repeated Zhukov’s words that without his order the tanks would not budge. At the height of the June political battles, Zhukov said to Khrushchev’s opponents that all he had to do was turn to the people and everyone would support him.
After 4 months, Marshal of the Soviet Union Georgy Zhukov will be accused of Bonapartism and self-praise and will be removed from the post of Minister of Defense of the USSR.
Khrushchev's position was strengthened, in 1958 he combined the post of Chairman of the Council of Ministers with the post of First Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee and ended the collegiality of the leadership, but, unlike Stalin, did not destroy or imprison his political opponents.
Khrushev's removal from power (October 1964)
In the first 9 months of 1964, Khrushchev was outside Moscow for 150 days. The presence of Khrushchev and his numerous assistants outside Moscow only facilitated the preparation of a conspiracy against him. Brezhnev carried out practical work to organize the removal of Khrushchev, and personally discussed this issue with each member and candidate member of the Presidium of the Central Committee.As Semichastny testifies, Brezhnev in the spring of 1964 began to insist on the physical elimination of Khrushchev. In this case, it would be possible to avoid explaining the reasons for his removal from power. Brezhnev began to express these proposals during Khrushchev’s trip to Egypt. Semichastny and Shelepin realized that Brezhnev and his allies wanted to commit a crime with the wrong hands. Former Komsomol leaders unraveled the treachery of Brezhnev and his accomplices. After all, the latter could blame the murder of Khrushchev on Shelepin and Semichastny, and then, quickly eliminating them, announce the salvation of the country from the sinister conspirators who killed Khrushchev and were preparing the murder of other members of the Presidium of the Central Committee.
On October 13, 1964, at 4 o’clock in the afternoon, a meeting of the Presidium of the Central Committee began in the Kremlin office of the First Secretary. The conspirators did not repeat the mistakes of Malenkov, Bulganin and others in 1957 - now the participants in the conspiracy could rely on the full support of the KGB, the Ministry of Defense and a significant part of the members of the Central Committee. Voronov was the first to propose sending Khrushchev to resign. The meeting lasted until 8 pm. The head of government was presented with an impressive list of accusations: from the collapse of agriculture and grain purchases abroad to the publication of more than a thousand of his photographs in the press in two years. The next day the meeting was continued. In his speech, Kosygin proposed introducing the post of second secretary. Brezhnev, addressing Khrushchev, said: “I have been with you since 1938. In '57 I fought for you. I can’t make a deal with my conscience... Release Khrushchev from his posts, divide the posts.”
At the end of the meeting, Khrushchev spoke. In his speech, he said: “I fought with you against the anti-party group. I appreciate your honesty...I tried not to have two posts, but you gave me these two posts! ...As I leave the stage, I repeat: I am not going to fight with you... I am now worried and happy, because the period has come when members of the Presidium of the Central Committee began to control the activities of the First Secretary of the Central Committee and speak out loud... Am I a “cult”? You smeared s— all over me, and I said, “That’s right.” Is this a cult?! Today's meeting of the Presidium of the Central Committee is a victory for the party... I thank you for giving me the opportunity to resign. I ask you to write a statement for me, and I will sign it. I am ready to do everything in the name of the interests of the party... I thought that perhaps you would consider it possible to establish some kind of honorary post. But I'm not asking you to do this. Where should I live, decide for yourself. I am ready, if necessary, to go anywhere. Thank you again for your criticism, for working together over a number of years and for your willingness to give me the opportunity to resign."
By decision of the Presidium, a statement was prepared on behalf of Khrushchev requesting his resignation. Khrushchev signed it. Then Brezhnev proposed electing Nikolai Podgorny as First Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, but he began to refuse and proposed Leonid Brezhnev for this post. This decision was made. It was also decided to recommend Alexei Kosygin for the post of Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR.
At the Plenum of the Central Committee, held on the evening of October 14 in the Sverdlovsk Hall of the Kremlin, Suslov made a two-hour report summarizing the accusations against Khrushchev brought forward at a meeting of the Presidium of the Central Committee. At the plenum there were demands: “Exclude him from the party!” “Put him on trial!” Khrushchev sat motionless, cupping his face in his hands. Suslov read out Khrushchev's statement asking for his resignation, as well as a draft resolution stating that Khrushchev was being relieved of his posts for health reasons. Then the resolution on Khrushchev's resignation was unanimously adopted.
Unlike Molotov, Kaganovich, Malenkov and others, Khrushchev was not expelled from the party. He remained a member of the Central Committee until the next congress (1966). He was left with many of the material benefits that Soviet leaders possessed.
Leonid Brezhnev (1964-1982)
At the Plenum of the Central Committee on October 14, 1964, Brezhnev was elected First Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. At the XXIII Congress of the CPSU, held in 1966, changes were adopted in the CPSU Charter, and the position of “General Secretary” was included in the Charter and this post was taken by L. I. Brezhnev. At the same time, the name “Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee” replaced the “Presidium of the CPSU Central Committee” that had existed since 1952.In 1974, there was a sharp deterioration in Brezhnev's health, and in 1976 he suffered a severe stroke. Speech became slurred due to problems with dental prosthetics. Sclerotic phenomena, unsteadiness of gait, and rapid fatigue appeared. Without a written text, he could not speak not only in large audiences, but also at Politburo meetings. Brezhnev realized the degree of weakening of his capabilities and was tormented by this situation. Twice he raised the question of his resignation, but all influential members of the Politburo were against it. In April 1979, he again spoke about his desire to retire, but the Politburo, having discussed the issue, spoke in favor of him continuing to work.
Brezhnev in 1976 saw Grigory Romanov as his successor. The elderly Suslov and Kosygin prepared him for the future management of the party and state in their place. For this purpose, he was introduced, as an equal member, to the Politburo of the Central Committee.
However, with the election of 48-year-old Mikhail Gorbachev, at the instigation of Andropov, in 1979 as a candidate member of the Politburo, and in 1980 as a member of the Politburo, the age advantage of 57-year-old Romanov faded. Dmitry Ustinov had colossal influence on Brezhnev. However, he never claimed a broader position in terms of political influence.
According to some reports, Vladimir Shcherbitsky was considered by Brezhnev as his successor as General Secretary. This version was confirmed by Grishin, who wrote in his memoirs that Brezhnev wanted to recommend Shcherbitsky at the next Plenum of the Central Committee Secretary General, and he himself was thinking of moving to the position of party chairman.
Yuri Andropov (1982-1984)
As Brezhnev's illness progressed, the USSR's foreign and defense policy was determined by the triumvirate of Ustinov, Andropov and Gromyko.The position of the Secretary of the Central Committee for Ideology in Soviet times was traditionally viewed as the position of the second most important secretary and, in fact, the second person in the top leadership. This post was held by Mikhail Suslov for many years under Brezhnev. After his death in January 1982, a struggle developed for this post in the party leadership. Even then, the rivalry between Andropov and Chernenko was clearly evident. In May 1982, Yuri Andropov was elected to this post. In July 1982, Andropov not only de jure, but also de facto became the second person in the party and began to be considered as Brezhnev's likely successor. But Brezhnev did not make a final choice regarding his successor, in different time he called either Shcherbitsky or Chernenko.
On November 10, 1982, Brezhnev died, and on the same day, in seclusion, the triumvirate, with the participation of Chairman of the Council of Ministers Nikolai Tikhonov, resolved the issue of the General Secretary. Ustinov knew that Brezhnev’s closest associate, Konstantin Chernenko, had great ambitions for the vacated post of Secretary General. At an emergency meeting of the Politburo on the evening of November 10, Tikhonov prepared to propose his candidacy for this post. In order to “neutralize” Tikhonov’s possible initiative, Ustinov asked Chernenko himself to make a proposal for Andropov’s candidacy for the post of General Secretary. Chernenko came to the conclusion that Ustinov’s initiative concealed agreements that he would hardly be able to resist, and expressed his consent. The issue was resolved. The plenum of the CPSU Central Committee approved Andropov in this position.
On September 1, 1983, Andropov chaired the last Politburo meeting in his life. He looked extremely bad. At that time he was already living on an artificial kidney. He died in February 1984 from failure of both kidneys.
Konstantin Chernenko (1984-1985)
The day after Andropov’s death on February 10, 1984, an extraordinary meeting of the Politburo began. As in November 1982, after Brezhnev’s death, the meeting was preceded by informal meetings between members of the Politburo. Everything was decided at the negotiations of the four: Ustinov, Chernenko, Gromyko, Tikhonov.At these negotiations, to the surprise of those present, Andrei Gromyko immediately began testing the waters with the goal of obtaining the post of General Secretary. Trying to prevent such a development of events, Ustinov proposed Chernenko for this post. This candidacy suited everyone.
No one remembered the candidacy of the young Gorbachev at that time: the party elders reasonably feared that he, having come to supreme authority, can quickly say goodbye to them. And Gorbachev himself, after Andropov’s death, in a conversation with Ustinov, invited him to become secretary general, promising to support him, but Ustinov refused: “I’m already old and have a lot of illnesses. Let Chernenko pull.” In two months, Gorbachev will take the de facto position of second secretary of the Central Committee.
On February 13, 1984, Chernenko was elected General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. In politics, Chernenko tried to return to the Brezhnev style after Andropov. He spoke favorably of Stalin, honored his merits, but did not have enough time for rehabilitation.
Since the end of 1984, due to a serious illness, he rarely came to work, and on business days he spent no more than two to three hours in the office. They brought me to work in a hospital wheelchair. He spoke with difficulty. . The last months of Chernenko’s life lay in the hospital, but when necessary, they changed his clothes, sat him down at the table, and he portrayed active social and political activity in front of the television cameras.
Chernenko died on March 10, 1985. His funeral on Red Square took place on March 13, that is, just two days after that. It is noteworthy that both Brezhnev and Andropov were buried four days after their death.
Mikhail Gorbachev (1985-1991)
7.1. Gorbachev - General Secretary
After Chernenko's death in March 1985, the issue of a new secretary general was resolved quickly. Consultations on this issue took place immediately after receiving the sad news. It is known that Foreign Minister Gromyko, who persistently advocated for the election of Gorbachev as Secretary General, was the most actively involved in consultations.Gromyko played a key role in nominating Gorbachev to the post of General Secretary of the Central Committee, entering into secret negotiations with his supporters Yakovlev and Primakov through his son, director of the Institute of African Studies. A. Gromyko. In exchange for supporting Gorbachev's candidacy, he received a promise to take the post of Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. On March 11, 1985, at a meeting of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee, which was deciding on the candidacy of the General Secretary instead of the deceased Chernenko, Gromyko proposed electing M. S. Gorbachev. On the same day, this proposal, consolidated with the old guard of leaders, was made at the Plenum of the Central Committee.
Gorbachev's potential rivals were the Secretary of the Central Committee Grigory Romanov and the First Secretary of the Moscow City Party Committee Viktor Grishin. However, their rivalry practically did not go beyond preliminary consultations. Shcherbitsky was the only member of the Politburo who was not present on March 11 due to his stay in the United States at the Politburo meeting discussing the candidacy of the new Secretary General Gorbachev. Three months after Gorbachev’s election as General Secretary, Romanov was sent into retirement “due to health reasons.”
7.2. Election of Gorbachev as Chairman of the USSR Supreme Council
For the first three and a half years of his stay in power, Gorbachev limited his leadership ambitions to the post of General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. However, in the fall of 1988, following Brezhnev, Andropov and Chernenko, he decided to combine the highest party post with the highest government post. To implement this plan, Gromyko, who had been the Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR since July 1985, was urgently retired.In March 1990, Gorbachev, at the Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee, made a proposal to exclude from the Constitution of the USSR the 6th and 7th articles on the leading role of the party in the life of Soviet society. The post of President of the USSR in March 1990 was introduced under Gorbachev and was, so to speak, significant: its establishment marked major transformations in political system, associated primarily with the refusal of constitutional recognition of the leading role of the CPSU in the country.
7.3. Position of Deputy Secretary General
In 1990-1991 There was a post of Deputy General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. The only person who held this post was V. A. Ivashko, who theoretically replaced the General Secretary. During the events of August 1991, the Deputy General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee was actually deprived of the opportunity to perform the duties of Forose, who was under Gorbachev’s house arrest, without showing himself in any way.7.4. Ban of the CPSU and abolition of the post of General Secretary
The events of August 19-21, 1991 ended in failure and defeat of the State Emergency Committee, and these events predetermined the demise of the CPSU.On August 23, 1991, before lunch, Gorbachev spoke at a session of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR, where he met with a cold reception. Despite his objections, President of the RSFSR Boris Yeltsin signed a Decree right in the hall to suspend the activities of the Communist Party of the RSFSR. This decree was perceived as a decree on the dissolution organizational structures CPSU.
On the same day, in accordance with the decision of the President of the USSR, General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee Gorbachev and on the basis of the order of the Mayor of Moscow Popov, work in the buildings of the CPSU Central Committee was stopped from 15 o'clock and the entire complex of the CPSU Central Committee building was sealed. According to Roy Medvedev, it was this resolution, and not Yeltsin’s decree, which dealt only with the Communist Party of the RSFSR, that made it possible to begin the destruction of the central bodies of the CPSU.
On the same day, Gorbachev, as President of the USSR, signed a Decree stating: “The Councils of People’s Deputies should take under protection the property of the CPSU.”
On August 25, everything belonging to the CPSU was declared state property of the RSFSR. The decree begins with the words: “In connection with the dissolution of the Central Committee of the CPSU...”
On August 29, the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, by its resolution, suspended the activities of the CPSU throughout the USSR, and the President of the RSFSR, by his decree of November 6, 1991, finally stopped the activities of the CPSU on the territory of the republic.
List of General (First) Secretaries of the Party Central Committee - those who officially held such a position
From March 10, 1934 to September 7, 1953, the position of “General (First) Secretary” was not mentioned at the plenums of the Central Committee during the elections of the Secretariat of the Central Committee, but from March 10, 1934 to March 5, 1953, Stalin, as Secretary of the Central Committee, continued to perform the functions of General Secretary. An hour before his death, Stalin was relieved of his duties as Secretary of the Central Committee. The functions of the General (First) Secretary were not transferred to anyone, but the most influential secretary of the Central Committee until March 14 remained Georgy Malenkov, who on March 5 also received the post of head of government.Nikita Khrushchev became the second influential secretary of the Central Committee on March 5, who was ordered to “focus on work in the Central Committee of the CPSU.” On March 14, Malenkov was forced to resign from the position of Secretary of the Central Committee, transferring control of the party apparatus to Khrushchev, but Malenkov received the right to preside over meetings of the Presidium of the Central Committee. Since on September 7, 1953, on the initiative of Khrushchev, the post of First Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee was established, which he himself occupied, we can assume that the functions of the General (First) Secretary were thereby transferred to him.
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- "Stalin Joseph Vissarionovich." Handbook on the history of the CPSU 1898 – 1991
- Georgy Maximilianovich Malenkov. Managers Soviet Russia, THE USSR
- "Khrushchev Nikita Sergeevich" Biographical index
- “Secretariat of the CPSU Central Committee, elected by the plenum on October 16, 1952.” Handbook on the history of the CPSU 1898 – 1991
- "The Death of Stalin." N.S. Khrushchev. "Time. People. Power" Memories
- “Evening Moscow” from March 7, 1953
- "Malenkov Georgy Maximilianovich." Rulers of Russia and the Soviet Union, biographical and chronological reference book. Website: www.praviteli.org
- .“Khrushchev Nikita Sergeevich” Biographical index. Website www.chrono.info
- Just before the opening of the Plenum of the Central Committee, Malenkov was approached by Bulgagnin and persistently invited him to make a proposal at the plenum to elect Khrushchev as First Secretary of the Central Committee. “Otherwise,” said Bulganin, “I myself will make this proposal.” Malenkov thought that Bulganin was not acting alone and decided to make this proposal. - Emelyanov Yu. V. Khrushchev. From shepherd to secretary of the Central Committee
- Emelyanov Yu. V. Khrushchev. From shepherd to secretary of the Central Committee. -: Veche, 2005. P. 346-358. - ISBN: 5-9533-0362-9
- This is how it is recorded in transcript: September 7, 6 pm. The chairman is Malenkov. " Malenkov: So, we're done with this, comrades. The agenda has been exhausted, but the Presidium of the Central Committee has one proposal. The Presidium of the Central Committee proposes, comrades, to approve Comrade Khrushchev as the first secretary of the Central Committee. Does this matter require clarification? Vote: No. Malenkov: No. I vote. Those who are in favor of approving Comrade Khrushchev as the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Party, please raise your hands. Please omit it. No objections? Vote: No. Malenkov: So, the work of the plenum is over. I declare the meeting closed." Yu.N. Zhukov. "Stalin: secrets of power"
- Yu.N. Zhukov. "Stalin: secrets of power"
- “Khrushchev Nikita Sergeevich” Rulers of Russia. Website know-it-all-1.narod.ru
- hruschev.php “Khrushchev Nikita Sergeevich.” Rulers of Russia and the Soviet Union, biographical and chronological reference book
- ON THE. Bulganin, K.E. Voroshilov, L.M. Kaganovich, G.M. Malenkov, V.M. Molotov, M.G. Pervukhin, M.Z. Saburov
- "Molotov Vyacheslav Mikhailovich" Zenkovich N. "The most closed people. Encyclopedia of biographies"
- The process of de-Stalinization of society Khrushchev was accused of economic voluntarism, of forming a cult of his personality, of undermining the authority of the CPSU in the international communist movement due to revelations of Stalin’s personality cult.
- "Khrushchev Nikita Sergeevich" Zenkovich N. "The most closed people. Encyclopedia of biographies"
- "After Stalin (1953-1962)". Website www.stalin.su
- Yu. V. Emelyanov. “Khrushchev. Troublemaker in the Kremlin"
- On the eve of the June Plenum (1957) Brezhnev was hospitalized with a micro-infarction, but came to the Plenum to save Khrushchev. When he approached the podium, Health Minister M. Kovrigina said that he was seriously ill and could not speak. But he still made a speech in defense of Khrushchev. "Brezhnev"
- Treated harshly Shepilov. In November 1957, he was expelled from Moscow to Kyrgyzstan. Evicted from large apartment in an academic house on Leninsky Prospekt, where he lived for 21 years, with his family on the street. “Shepilov” Shepilov’s library was also thrown into the street. In March 1959, at the insistence of Khrushchev, “Shepilov” was deprived of the academic title of corresponding member of the USSR Academy of Sciences as “speaking against the interests of the people.”
- "Zhukov Georgy Konstantinovich" Zenkovich N. "The most closed people. Encyclopedia of biographies"
- A year earlier, in 1963, Khrushev during 170 days was outside Moscow in the USSR or abroad.
- "Brezhnev Leonid Ilyich" Zenkovich N. "The most closed people. Encyclopedia of biographies"
- Brezhnev, according to Semichastny, proposed “to arrange a plane crash during the flight from Cairo to Moscow.” Semichastny objected: “In addition to Khrushchev, on the plane were Gromyko, Grechko, the team and, finally, our people - security officers. This option is absolutely unfeasible.”
- Semichastny recalled: “At the beginning of October 1964, the KGB was faced with the task of ensuring a calm and smooth course of events... At this time, our military counterintelligence and counterintelligence units of the Moscow District received orders to strictly monitor any, even the slightest, movement of troops in the district and when they moved to the side Moscow immediately report to the KGB."
- “Khrushchev’s resignation” Website www.bibliotekar.ru
- The next day, October 14, the meeting of the Presidium of the Central Committee resumed and lasted no more than an hour and a half, since by that time Khrushchev had already decided to resign.
- Khrushchev was accused of concentrating the posts of head of the party and government in his hands, he began to violate the Leninist principles of collectivity in leadership, and sought to single-handedly resolve the most important issues.
- Summing up the work of the plenum of the Central Committee, at which Brezhnev was unanimously elected first secretary, the new head of the party, not without pathos, remarked: “Nikita Sergeevich debunked the cult of Stalin after his death, but we are debunking the cult of Khrushchev during his lifetime.”
- Khrushchev reported: “The current dacha and city apartment (mansion on the Lenin Hills) are preserved for life. Security and maintenance personnel will also remain. A pension will be set at 500 rubles a month and a car will be assigned.” True, the dacha and mansion used by the Khrushchevs were replaced with more modest dwellings.
- "Romanov Grigory Vasilievich" Zenkovich N. "The most closed people. Encyclopedia of biographies"
- "Ustinov Dmitry Fedorovich" Zenkovich N. "The most closed people. Encyclopedia of biographies"
- "Shcherbitsky Vladimir Vasilievich" Zenkovich N. "The most closed people. Encyclopedia of biographies"
- "Andropov Yuri Vladimirovich" Zenkovich N. "The most closed people. Encyclopedia of biographies"
- "Andropov Yuri Vladimirovich" Rulers of Russia. Website know-it-all-1.narod.ru
- "Chernenko Konstantin Ustinovich" Rulers of Russia. Website know-it-all-1.narod.ru
- "Chernenko Konstantin Ustinovich" Zenkovich N. "The most closed people. Encyclopedia of biographies"
- "Konstantin Chernenko". Website "Politicians and Politics"
- “Gorbachev Mikhail Sergeevich” Rulers of Russia. Website know-it-all-1.narod.ru
- "Gromyko Andrey Andreevich" Zenkovich N. "The most closed people. Encyclopedia of biographies"
- "Gorbachev Mikhail Sergeevich." Zenkovich N. "The most closed people. Encyclopedia of biographies"
- August 4 Gorbachev went on vacation to Crimea. According to the party line, he left Shenin in his place, because Ivashko was ill and preparing for surgery. The first day of events found Ivashko in a sanatorium near Moscow, thirty kilometers from Moscow, where he had been staying for more than two weeks after the operation. He appeared in the Central Committee building on Old Square on August 21. On August 19, the Secretariat sent down a coded message demanding assistance from the State Emergency Committee. Later Ivashko commented this way: this document should not have been signed by the Secretariat of the Central Committee. According to the regulations, documents of the Secretariat of the Central Committee had the right to be published only after the signature of one of two persons: Gorbachev or Ivashko. Neither one nor the other signed it. Ivashko has no doubt that he was deliberately kept in the dark. Zenkovich N. "1991. USSR. The end of the project" Part I
- Neither on August 19 nor 20 did any member of the State Emergency Committee call Ivashko. He didn't call them either. Zenkovich N. "1991. USSR. The end of the project" Part III
- Roy Medvedev: “Three days after the State Emergency Committee”
- Chronicle of the coup. Part V. BBCRussian.com
- Decree of the President of the RSFSR dated August 23, 1991 No. 79 “On the suspension of the activities of the Communist Party of the RSFSR”
- A. Sobchak. "Once upon a time there was a communist party"
- In August '91. Personal website of Evgeny Vadimovich Savostyanov
- Statement by M. S. Gorbachev on the resignation of the General Secretary of the CPSU
- Decree of the President of the USSR dated August 24, 1991 “On the property of the CPSU”
- Decree of the President of the RSFSR dated August 25, 1991 “On the property of the CPSU and the Communist Party of the RSFSR”
- Resolution of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR of August 29, 1991
- Decree of the President of the RSFSR of November 6, 1991 N 169 “On the activities of the CPSU and the Communist Party of the RSFSR”
- Secretariat of the Central Committee. Handbook on the history of the CPSU and the Soviet Union 1898 - 1991
- "Stalin Joseph Vissarionovich" Soviet historical encyclopedia, volume 13 (1971)
The General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee is the highest position in the hierarchy of the Communist Party and, by and large, the leader of the Soviet Union. In the history of the party there were four more positions of the head of its central apparatus: Technical Secretary (1917-1918), Chairman of the Secretariat (1918-1919), Executive Secretary (1919-1922) and First Secretary (1953-1966).
The people who filled the first two positions were mainly engaged in paper secretarial work. The position of Executive Secretary was introduced in 1919 to perform administrative activities. The post of General Secretary, established in 1922, was also created purely for administrative and personnel internal party work. However, the first Secretary General Joseph Stalin, using the principles of democratic centralism, managed to become not only the leader of the party, but the entire Soviet Union.
At the 17th Party Congress, Stalin was not formally re-elected to the post of General Secretary. However, his influence was already enough to maintain leadership in the party and the country as a whole. After Stalin's death in 1953, Georgy Malenkov was considered the most influential member of the Secretariat. After his appointment to the post of Chairman of the Council of Ministers, he left the Secretariat and Nikita Khrushchev, who was soon elected First Secretary of the Central Committee, took the leading positions in the party.
Not limitless rulers
In 1964, the opposition within the Politburo and the Central Committee removed Nikita Khrushchev from the post of First Secretary, electing Leonid Brezhnev in his place. Since 1966, the position of the party leader was again called the General Secretary. In Brezhnev's times, the power of the General Secretary was not unlimited, since members of the Politburo could limit his powers. The leadership of the country was carried out collectively.
Yuri Andropov and Konstantin Chernenko ruled the country according to the same principle as the late Brezhnev. Both were elected to the party's top post while their health was failing and served only a short time as secretary general. Until 1990, when the Communist Party's monopoly on power was eliminated, Mikhail Gorbachev led the state as General Secretary of the CPSU. Especially for him, in order to maintain leadership in the country, the post of President of the Soviet Union was established in the same year.
After the August 1991 putsch, Mikhail Gorbachev resigned as General Secretary. He was replaced by his deputy, Vladimir Ivashko, who worked as acting General Secretary for only five calendar days, until that moment Russian President Boris Yeltsin suspended the activities of the CPSU.