general information
Chukchi - indigenous people Russian Federation, one of the small peoples of the North, Siberia and the Far East. The self-name is lygyoravetlan (“real people”). Self-names based on place of residence or migration are common: uvelelyt - “Uelenians”, chaalyt - “nomadic along the Chaun River”, etc. According to their way of life, the Chukchi are divided into two large groups: tundra nomadic reindeer herders (self-name - chauchu, “reindeer man”) and coastal ones - sedentary hunters of sea animals (self-name - ankalyn, “coastal”). Among the Western Chukchi, the self-name Chugchit (probably from Chauchu) is common. Russian name"Chukchi" also comes from Chauchu.
They speak the Chukchi language, which has several very close dialects that are quite well preserved to this day. Writing was created in 1931 on a Latin graphic basis, which was later replaced by the Russian alphabet.
According to modern research, the ancestors of the Chukchi lived in the interior regions of Chukotka at least 6 thousand years ago. At the beginning of the 1st millennium AD. e. due to the appearance of a surplus population in the Chukotka tundra and changes in climatic and natural conditions, some Chukotka tribes advanced to sea coast, into the area inhabited by the Eskimos, partially assimilating them, partially adopting many features of their culture. As a result of the interaction of land and sea hunting cultures, an economic division of labor occurred. The Yukaghirs also took part in the ethnogenesis of the Chukchi.
Territory of settlement and number
In 2002, 15,767 Chukchi lived in the Russian Federation, of which 12,622 people (about 70%) live in the Chukotka Autonomous Okrug.
At the beginning of the 17th century, the Chukchi lived mainly in the Chukotka, Providensky and Iultinsky regions. The intensive development of reindeer husbandry in the 18th century and the need for new pasture lands caused the Chukchi to move west and south. By the beginning of the 20th century, they occupied the entire modern territory of the Chukotka Autonomous Okrug, some of the Chukchi ended up in Kamchatka, another small group - beyond the Kolyma in Yakutia. They live here at the present time: in Kamchatka - in the Olyutorsky district (village Achai-Vayam, etc.) of the Koryak Autonomous Okrug (1,530 people), in Yakutia - in the Nizhne-Kolyma region (1,300).
The distribution of the Chukchi among the regions of the district in recent decades indicates their weak migration. Changes in numbers are mainly due to natural growth and changes in the boundaries of districts (Shmidtovsky, Anadyrsky). The Chukchi live in all settlements of the district together with Russians, Eskimos, Evens, Chuvans and other peoples. There are no purely Chukchi settlements, but in most villages the Chukchi predominate.
Lifestyle and support system
The main traditional occupation of the tundra (reindeer) Chukchi is nomadic reindeer herding. Reindeer herders spent most of the year on the move. Each group of Chukchi had permanent migration routes and their own grazing territory. In the forest zone, migrations occurred every 5-6 days, in the tundra - 3-4 times during the winter. Semi-free grazing of deer was practiced everywhere. In the summer, the herds were located on the ocean coast, where there were fewer mosquitoes and gadflies. About a quarter of the reindeer Chukchi spent the summer in the continental part of Chukotka on the northern slopes of the mountains, where snow remained. With the onset of autumn, all the reindeer herders moved inland to the forest border. The Chukchi did not know a shepherd dog, and the shepherds were with the herd around the clock. Reindeer husbandry provided everything necessary for life: food, clothing, housing, means of transportation.
The basis of the economic activity of the coastal Chukchi was sea hunting, the products of which (meat, fat for food and heating, clothing) also provided all the needs of life, and also served as an object of exchange with reindeer herders. Some of the Chukchi reindeer were also engaged in marine hunting during the stay of the herds on the coast. Fish was caught in case of emergency in free time from grazing. Fishing was somewhat more important in the basins of large rivers - Anadyr, Chaun, Kolyma. The development of trade relations stimulated the development of the fur trade, which previously also had no of great importance. In Soviet times, reindeer husbandry in Chukotka developed successfully. Improved breeding of animals, a more rational structure of the herd, successes in the fight against necrobacteriosis (hoof blight) and other diseases, and anti-water treatment of animals contributed to a significant increase in the number of animals and the productivity of the industry as a whole. By the beginning of the 90s. in Chukotka there was one of the largest herds of domestic reindeer in the world - about 500 thousand. Reindeer husbandry formed the basis of the economy of state farms, covering the losses of other industries, was the main area of employment for a significant part of the Chukchi, and ensured their economic prosperity.
In conditions of market reforms, intensive destruction of the industry is observed. The number of deer in the area has dropped by more than half. The reform of state farms, the transition to new forms of industry organization based on private and collective shared ownership, not supported by material and technical resources, led to a curtailment of production. Almost all livestock farms and a number of fur farms where Chukchi women worked were liquidated.
Ethno-social situation
The ethno-social situation in many areas of Chukotka is extremely difficult. Its main components are mass unemployment of the indigenous population, problems with providing villages with fuel, food, electricity, and an increase in the incidence and mortality of the aborigines. According to these and a number of other parameters, Chukotka, due to the peculiarities of its geographical location and climatic conditions, is in the most disastrous situation among other regions of the North. The incidence of tuberculosis among the Chukchi and other indigenous peoples of the Chukotka Autonomous Okrug is 10 times higher than the corresponding indicators for the non-indigenous population. In 1996, per 100 thousand people with active tuberculosis among indigenous people there were 737.1, including 233 children. The socio-economic situation in Chukotka in some years became so aggravated that it required the intervention of the federal government and humanitarian assistance from the international communities. In September 1996, the Government of the Russian Federation adopted a decree “On urgent measures to stabilize the socio-economic situation in the Chukotka Autonomous Okrug.” In recent years, with the arrival of a new governor, the situation has changed for the better, but much remains to be done to overcome the crisis.
Ethno-cultural situation
According to the 2002 census, the Chukchi language was considered the native language by 27.6% of the Chukchi. The Chukchi language is taught in many villages. Since 1992, it has been studied as part of the secondary school curriculum. Educational, artistic and socio-political literature is systematically published in the Chukchi language, and district radio and television broadcasts. Since 1953, the newspaper “Sovetken Chukotka” has been published (currently “Murgin Nuteneut”, a supplement to the district newspaper “Far North”). Teachers of the Chukchi language are trained by the Anadyr Pedagogical College, Russian State Pedagogical University named after. Herzen in St. Petersburg, Magadan Pedagogical Institute. Some of the Chukotka youth speak their native language, which is certainly a positive and stabilizing factor. The basic elements of traditional material and spiritual culture are preserved: means of transportation, housing (in the tundra among reindeer herders), holidays, rituals and customs, and religious beliefs.
The work of the artists of the professional Chukchi-Eskimo choreographic ensemble “Ergyron” and the Chukchi poetess A. Kymytval is widely known in the country and abroad. The traditional art of engraving and bone carving has been preserved and developed. The Chukotka branch of the North-Eastern Complex Institute of the Far Eastern Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences has been established in Anadyr, which employs about 10 researchers from among the Chukchi and other peoples of the North. Various aspects of the traditional culture of the Chukchi, their language, folk methods of treatment, problems of transforming economic relations and forms of ownership and other relevant problems for the district are studied. However, the difficult socio-economic situation in the district as a whole does not provide the opportunity for the full development of all traditional forms of culture and art. People, especially in remote villages and in the tundra, are busy surviving in these difficult conditions. Today it is important to at least carefully preserve the surviving centers of culture.
Management and self-government bodies
The Chukchi are one of the few indigenous peoples of the North of the Russian Federation that formally have their own autonomous entity. Chukotka Autonomous Okrug is currently a subject of the Russian Federation. The creation of the district played an important role in the development of the economy and culture of the local indigenous population. However, as the mining industry developed in Chukotka and the number of newcomers grew, the district increasingly lost the features of a national-state formation, turning into an ordinary administrative-territorial unit. The only reminder of his former purpose remained the position of Chairman of the district executive committee, which, according to established tradition, was occupied by a representative of the Chukchi people. In other government bodies, the Chukchi were represented purely symbolically. Suffice it to say that in the late 80s. in the field of public and economic management Only 96 Chukchi worked, most of them in minor positions. Unfortunately, this trend continues today. The functions of the self-government body are performed by the Association of Indigenous Minorities of the North of the Chukotka Autonomous Okrug, created in 1989. Its territorial branches operate in each district of the district.
Legal documents and laws
The legislative framework of the Chukotka Autonomous Okrug in relation to small peoples is represented by a number of documents. The Charter of the Chukotka Autonomous Okrug (adopted by the Duma in 1997) contains articles that define the policy of government authorities to protect and ensure the rights of indigenous peoples, the development of education, culture, environmental protection, the organization of local self-government and other important for the indigenous population questions. A temporary regulation “On the procedure for transferring land plots for reindeer herding farms” has been developed. A temporary regulation “On the procedure for coordinating the allocation of land plots for the use of the subsoil of the Chukotka Autonomous Okrug” was approved, which takes into account the interests of small peoples. The laws “On preferential taxation of enterprises participating in the development of social infrastructure of national villages”, “On the referendum of the Chukotka Autonomous Okrug”, “On the procedure and principles for providing tax benefits” were adopted. A number of vital provisions for the Chukchi and other indigenous peoples of the district are reflected in the Resolutions executive power: “On measures to implement the program for the development of national villages (1996), “On measures to streamline the production and sale of biologically active reindeer raw materials” (1996), “On the Chukotka District Scientific Advisory Council on Whaling” (1997), etc.
Contemporary environmental issues
The state of the natural environment in the district began to cause serious concern already in the late 80s. By this time, as a result of industrial development and mismanagement of land, the area of reindeer pastures had decreased by 5 million hectares compared to 1970. Widespread deterioration of pasture territory and a decrease in feed supplies are still observed today. 8 specially protected areas with an area of 3 million hectares (4% of the entire territory of the district) have been created here. Attempts are being made to implement international projects in the district (Beringia Park, EKORA project).
Prospects for preserving the Chukchi as an ethnic group
Chukchi is one of the few northern peoples Russia, which is not yet in danger of disappearing from the national map of Russia in the promising future. The degree of preservation of the traditional culture of the Chukchi, the level of their ethnic self-awareness and ethnic solidarity allows us to make positive forecasts and look to the future. However, if in the near future the state and regional authorities do not provide significant support to the indigenous ethnic group of Chukotka and do not raise the socio-economic status of the district, then the Chukchi, as the most vulnerable part of the population, will be thrown far back in their development and survival. It is also necessary to emphasize that the Chukchi organizations themselves and their leaders must play a huge role in preserving and consolidating the people.
We are all accustomed to considering representatives of this people as naive and peace-loving inhabitants of the Far North. They say that throughout their history the Chukchi grazed herds of deer in permafrost conditions, hunted walruses, and played tambourines as entertainment. The anecdotal image of a simpleton who keeps saying the word “however” is so far from reality that it is truly shocking. Meanwhile, the history of the Chukchi has many unexpected turns, and their way of life and customs still cause controversy among ethnographers. How are representatives of this people so different from other inhabitants of the tundra?
Call themselves real people
The Chukchi are the only people whose mythology openly justifies nationalism. The fact is that their ethnonym comes from the word “chauchu”, which in the language of the northern aborigines means the owner of a large number of deer (rich man). The Russian colonialists heard this word from them. But this is not the self-name of the people.
“Luoravetlans” is how the Chukchi call themselves, which translates as “real people.” They were always arrogant neighboring peoples, and considered themselves special chosen ones of the gods. In their myths, the Luoravetlans called the Evenks, Yakuts, Koryaks, and Eskimos those whom the gods created for slave labor.
According to the 2010 All-Russian Population Census, the total number of Chukchi is only 15 thousand 908 people. And although this people was never numerous, skilled and formidable warriors, in difficult conditions, managed to conquer vast territories from the Indigirka River in the west to the Bering Sea in the east. Their lands are comparable in area to the territory of Kazakhstan.
Painting faces with blood
The Chukchi are divided into two groups. Some are engaged in reindeer herding (nomadic herders), others hunt sea animals, for the most part they hunt walruses, since they live on the shores of the Arctic Ocean. But these are the main activities. Reindeer herders also engage in fishing; they hunt for arctic foxes and other fur-bearing animals of the tundra.
After a successful hunt, the Chukchi paint their faces with the blood of the killed animal, while depicting the sign of their ancestral totem. These people then make a ritual sacrifice to the spirits.
Fought with the Eskimos
The Chukchi have always been skilled warriors. Imagine how much courage it takes to go out into the ocean on a boat and attack walruses? However, not only animals became victims of representatives of this people. They often made predatory expeditions against the Eskimos, moving to neighboring North America through the Bering Strait on their boats made of wood and walrus skins.
From military campaigns, skilled warriors brought not only stolen property, but also slaves, giving preference to young women.
It is interesting that in 1947 the Chukchi once again decided to go to war against the Eskimos, then only by a miracle was it possible to avoid an international conflict between the USSR and the USA, because representatives of both peoples were officially citizens of the two superpowers.
Koryaks were robbed
Over the course of their history, the Chukchi have managed to quite annoy not only the Eskimos. So, they often attacked the Koryaks, taking away their reindeer. It is known that from 1725 to 1773 the invaders appropriated about 240 thousand (!) heads of other people's livestock. Actually, the Chukchi took up reindeer herding after they robbed their neighbors, many of whom had to hunt for food.
Having crept up to the Koryak settlement in the night, the invaders pierced their yarangas with spears, trying to immediately kill all the owners of the herd before they woke up.
Tattoos in honor of slain enemies
The Chukchi covered their bodies with tattoos dedicated to their killed enemies. After the victory, the warrior applied as many dots to the back of the wrist of his right hand as the number of opponents he sent to the next world. Some experienced fighters had so many defeated enemies that the dots merged into a line running from the wrist to the elbow.
They preferred death to captivity
Chukotka women always carried knives with them. They needed sharp blades not only in everyday life, but also in case of suicide. Since captured people automatically became slaves, the Chukchi preferred death to such a life. Having learned about the victory of the enemy (for example, the Koryaks who came to take revenge), mothers first killed their children, and then themselves. As a rule, they threw themselves with their chests on knives or spears.
Losing warriors lying on the battlefield asked their opponents for death. Moreover, they did it in an indifferent tone. My only wish was not to delay.
Won the war with Russia
The Chukchi are the only people of the Far North who fought with the Russian Empire and won. The first colonizers of those places were the Cossacks, led by Ataman Semyon Dezhnev. In 1652 they built the Anadyr fortress. Other adventurers followed them to the lands of the Arctic. The warlike northerners did not want to coexist peacefully with the Russians, much less pay taxes to the imperial treasury.
The war began in 1727 and lasted more than 30 years. Heavy fighting in difficult conditions, partisan sabotage, cunning ambushes, as well as mass suicides of Chukchi women and children - all this made the Russian troops falter. In 1763, the army units of the empire were forced to leave the Anadyr fort.
Soon British and French ships appeared off the coast of Chukotka. There is a real danger that these lands will be captured by long-time enemies, having managed to come to an agreement with the local population without a fight. Empress Catherine II decided to act more diplomatically. She provided the Chukchi with tax benefits, and literally showered their rulers with gold. The Russian residents of the Kolyma region were ordered, “... not to irritate the Chukchi in any way, under pain, otherwise, of liability in a military court.”
This peaceful approach turned out to be much more effective than a military operation. In 1778, the Chukchi, appeased by the imperial authorities, accepted Russian citizenship.
They coated the arrows with poison
The Chukchi were excellent with their bows. They smeared the arrowheads with poison; even a slight wound doomed the victim to a slow, painful and inevitable death.
Tambourines were covered with human skin
The Chukchi fought to the sound of tambourines covered not with deer (as was customary), but with human skin. Such music terrified enemies. Russian soldiers and officers who fought with the aborigines of the north spoke about this. The colonialists explained their defeat in the war by the special cruelty of the representatives of this people.
Warriors could fly
During hand-to-hand combat, the Chukchi flew across the battlefield, landing behind enemy lines. How did they jump 20-40 meters and then be able to fight? Scientists still don't know the answer to this question. Probably, skilled warriors used special devices like trampolines. This technique often made it possible to win victories, because opponents did not understand how to resist it.
Owned slaves
The Chukchi owned slaves until the 40s of the twentieth century. Women and men from poor families were often sold for debt. They did dirty and hard work, just like the captured Eskimos, Koryaks, Evenks, and Yakuts.
Swap wives
The Chukchi entered into so-called group marriages. They included several ordinary monogamous families. Men could exchange wives. This form of social relations was an additional guarantee of survival in the harsh conditions of permafrost. If one of the participants in such a union died while hunting, then there was someone to take care of his widow and children.
A nation of comedians
The Chukchi could survive, find shelter and food, if they had the ability to make people laugh. Folk comedians moved from camp to camp, amusing everyone with their jokes. They were respected and highly valued for their talent.
Diapers were invented
The Chukchi were the first to invent the prototype of modern diapers. They used a layer of moss with reindeer hair as an absorbent material. The newborn was dressed in a kind of overalls, changing an improvised diaper several times a day. Life in the harsh north forced people to be inventive.
Changed gender by order of the spirits
Chukchi shamans could change gender at the direction of spirits. The man started wearing women's clothing and behave accordingly, sometimes he literally got married. But the shaman, on the contrary, adopted the style of behavior of the stronger sex. According to Chukchi beliefs, spirits sometimes demanded such reincarnation from their servants.
Old people died voluntarily
Chukotka elders, not wanting to be a burden to their children, often agreed to voluntary death. The famous ethnographer Vladimir Bogoraz (1865-1936) in his book “Chukchi” noted that the reason for the emergence of such a custom was not at all bad attitude to older people, and difficult living conditions and lack of food.
Seriously ill Chukchi often chose voluntary death. As a rule, such people were killed by strangulation by their closest relatives.
The authors of the first news about the Chukchi in the 17th and early 18th centuries. They are divided by occupation into reindeer, “sedentary” and “on foot”. It is not difficult to understand that the “reindeer Chukchi” are those who had reindeer and led a nomadic lifestyle. “Sedentary” was a group of sedentary Chukchi who had only enough reindeer to travel for hunting purposes. They lived on the sea coast, hunting wild deer and marine mammals.
The “foot Chukchi” were sedentary hunters of sea animals, who, however, did not have deer and apparently did not use sled dogs. The definition of “on foot” was most often applied to the sedentary inhabitants of the Pacific coast, that is, to the Siberian Eskimos. Already in the 18th century. All Chukchi, unlike the Eskimos, were called “reindeer Chukchi,” and the Eskimos were called “foot Chukchi.”
In 1711, having returned from the “Chukchi Nose” to the Anadyr fort, Pyotr Popov said: “The reindeer Chukchi in the Nose live on stones, for the sake of their reindeer herds they roam to different places. And the foot Chukchi on both sides of the Nose live on corgas, near the sea, in winter yurts, where walrus while away. And they are feeders, the Chukchi, reindeer and on foot: they hunt along the rocks and rivers for wild deer and sea whales, walruses, beluga (beluga whale - I.V.), seals, roots and grass.” 1 This characteristic is remarkable in that it extremely simply and clearly shows the complex nature of the Chukotka economy. Despite the already defined separation from this complex of reindeer husbandry, on the one hand, and marine hunting, on the other, hunting wild deer was still very important for representatives of both directions of economic activity.
Photo www.nnm.me
Every year in the spring, herds of wild deer made transitions from south to north, from the forest-tundra strip to the sea coast. How large the number of deer was can be judged by the following message: “Wild vazhenki pass north on the ice (through the Anadyr River - I.V.) in such large herds that there are more than ten thousand in one place.” 2
The hunt was carried out like this: when the deer reached the middle of the river, the Chukchi came out of ambushes in single-seater kayaks, surrounded them and stabbed them with special “polyugs” while “floating”. The pokolytsik were strong and dexterous men, while others, including women, caught the carcasses of dead and wounded deer carried away by the current. As T.I. Shmalev reported, “if you have a thousand deer, then in half an hour 10 people can be slaughtered. . . When good melt sometimes, not including babies, each person gets twenty reindeer.” 3
As pastoral reindeer husbandry developed, the economic importance of hunting wild reindeer fell. By the 50s of the 19th century, the number of these animals sharply decreased not only in Chukotka, but also in the Kolyma and its tributaries B. and M. Anyuikh, Omolon.
Along with the decline of wild reindeer fishing, there was the development of marine hunting and reindeer husbandry, the leading occupations of the Chukchi.
Chukchi reindeer husbandry
There is no statistical information about the number of deer among the Chukchi in the 17th-18th centuries. No. The presence of only riding deer and a small number of reindeer reproducing the herd among the majority of the population can be traced through indirect materials. From the beginning of the 18th century. Chukchi raids on Koryaks and Yukaghirs intensified in order to seize their reindeer and property. The Koryaks and Yukaghirs could not defend themselves. They asked for protection from the garrison of the Anadyr fort. During the first half of the 18th century. Pavlutsky’s famous campaigns across Chukotka were undertaken. From reports about them we receive some information about the state of Chukchi reindeer husbandry.
Pavlutsky's first campaign in 1731 lasted for 8 months. During all this time, 12 herds of deer were taken, “of which there were a thousand and two.” 4
During the second campaign in 1744, which lasted 6 months, “4,620 deer were harvested.” 5 The Chukchi herds of deer were small. Thus, from the reports of individual teams we learn: “There were 157 Chukchi people. . . deer 100"; “In the camp of the Chukchi toyon Kiniama there were 22 men... . deer 300"; in another place - “50 deer”.
In 1746, a trip was made from Anadyrsk to the river. Chaun and along the coast of Chaunskaya Bay, where only 600 deer were found. Based on the materials of the aforementioned trips to Chukotka, reindeer husbandry can also be traced among the “sedentary” Chukchi. The testimony of the centurions Nizhegorodov, Popov and the Pentecostal Rusakov states: “On the 9th of May (1732 - I.V.), having reached the first Chukchi yurt sitting near the sea, they found a hundred deer.” 6
In 1756, 43 Chukchi yurts moved south of Anadyr. They only had up to 5,000 deer, 7 i.e., on average, about 100 heads per farm.
Thus, Chukotka reindeer husbandry at the end of the 17th and first half of the 18th centuries. It was still far from developing into an independent branch of production; it was still organically merged with hunting.
By the beginning of the 70s of the XVIII century. The Chukchi devastated the Anadyr Yukaghirs, capturing not only their reindeer, but also the territory where they roamed. “Which Yukaghirs previously lived from Anadyrsk to the Yablonaya River between the ridges. . . “all were killed by the Chuk-Chas,” F. Plenisner reported to the Siberian governor F. Soimonov from Anadyrsk in 1763. 8
According to the office of the Anadyr fort, and after 1770, the office of the Gizhiga fortress, from 1725 to 1773 the Chukchi captured 239,000 deer from the Koryaks, and took several hundred women and children captive. 9 This figure is clearly exaggerated, which was recognized back in the 18th century, but the very fact of the capture is eloquent evidence of the basis on which Chukchi herding reindeer herding developed.
By the 80s. XVIII century Chukchi raids on Koryaks stopped. Since that time, Chukotka reindeer husbandry has developed only due to natural growth.
In the Chukchi economy, starting from the second half of the 18th century, the influence of Russian trading capital became noticeable. With the liquidation of the Anadyr fort (1771), the Chukchi lost their closest point of trade with the Russians. They repeatedly appealed to representatives of the royal authorities with a request to restore it. In 1788, the Ayu Fair was founded, which immediately attracted a large number of Chukchi. In the same year, Irkutsk merchant Alexander Baranov received permission to establish! b crafts and trade in Anadyr. 10 The fact that Russian trading posts were on the borders of the territory occupied by the Chukchi prompted the latter to migrate with their herds to areas closer to the places of trade. So, in the 60s. XVIII century the resettlement of the Chukchi to the south of Anadyr began, and in the 70-80s. - movement of the reindeer Chukchi to the west of the Chaunskaya Bay to the tributaries of the river. Kolyma - B. and M. Anyuev, and then other rivers; by the middle of the 19th century. a significant group of Chukchi reindeer herders had already reached the river. Kolyma.
During the end of the 18th and first half of the 19th century V. trade at the Anyui fair developed successfully and attracted a significant number of Chukchi and Chukchi kavralit traders. Reindeer herding products, especially skins and clothing made from them, were in great demand at the Anyui Fair, and on the shores of the Bering Strait they were willingly bought by Alaskan Eskimos, which also stimulated the development of reindeer herding. In addition, to transport goods both to Anyui and to the shores of the Bering Strait, a significant number of harnessed, trained reindeer were required, which were trained by Chukchi reindeer herders, especially in those places where the routes to Ashoi passed. “On the banks of the Chaunskaya Bay,” noted F. Matyushkin, “the Chukchi change their tired deer from the nomadic tribes there and move on.” eleven
Thus, Chukotka reindeer herding gradually emerged from the framework of a narrowly consumerist subsistence economy. The formation of pastoral reindeer husbandry was important step in the development of the productive forces of Chukotka society.
In the 19th century the number of deer among the Chukchi increased. “The poor reindeer Chukchi have up to 100, and the rich ones up to 1000 reindeer.” 12 Later, property differentiation among reindeer herders went even further. Thus, according to the observations of A. Argentov, who knew the Anyui and Chaun groups of the Chukchi well, “some owners keep 10 and even 12 thousand heads, and many keep 3 and 5 thousand heads.” 13
By the middle of the 19th century, the predominant occupation of the Chukchi was reindeer herding. According to the 1897 census, 8,869 Chukchi people were reindeer herders, 2,841 were sea animal hunters and fishermen, 18 were primarily engaged in trade and handicrafts, and 67 were engaged in other occupations. 14
In the 19th century, Chukchi reindeer herders continued to spread west of Kolyma and south of Anadyr. At the end of the 19th century. 13 camps of reindeer herders have already moved between the Indigirka and Alazeya rivers. 15 Thus, the nomadic Chukchi were scattered over a vast territory from the Pacific coast in the east to the right tributaries of the lower reaches of the river. Indigirka in the west, and to the south - to the Kamchatka Isthmus.
Historically, there were two areas of settlement of the reindeer Chukchi: the southern one - along the river valley. Anadyr with its tributaries and the northern one - from the coast of the Arctic Ocean to the Anadyr Range.
In turn, on the territory of the southern and northern regions the Chukchi were divided into smaller territorial groups. V. G. Bogoraz wrote in detail about their settlement, the number of camps in them, and the number of deer on farms. 16 His estimates are very approximate, but no other, more accurate data on this issue by the beginning of the 20th century. did not have. Reindeer herders were most densely settled along the M. Anyui and its tributaries. Here their camps, according to the figurative expression of the Chukchi, were located y nylgyl vytra (“at the distance of being able to see the smoke”).
As if an intermediate position between sedentary and reindeer waters was occupied by the Chukchi, who had a small number of reindeer, which forced them to live constantly in close proximity to the seashore in order to compensate for the missing food products and other means of subsistence through sea hunting and fishing. The herds of such reindeer herders usually also grazed reindeer that belonged to sedentary Chukchi. Such farms numbered 150-200 deer. They roamed both winter and summer near coastal villages, mainly on the Pacific coast of Chukotka. 17
In the second half of the 19th century. began to move to permanent residence along the river. Anadyr's impoverished reindeer herders. They made a living by hunting wild deer and fishing. The number of farms of settled Chukchi in Anadyr did not exceed two dozen. 18
Reindeer herding products provided all the necessary means of life for the Chukchi reindeer herders: food, clothing and shoes, housing and means of transportation. The entire life of Chukchi reindeer herders was closely connected with reindeer herding, with migrations and the search for the most convenient pastures.
In the summer, the herds were located on the ocean coast, where, thanks to the constant winds and the coolness coming from the water and ice, there were fewer gadflies and mosquitoes. Staying on the ocean coast gave some of the Chukchi the opportunity to engage in sea animal hunting and fishing.
About a quarter of the reindeer Chukchi spent the summer with their herds in the mountains, where in the hollows along the northern and western slopes
snow remained on the mountains. It was cool here, there was less “nastyness”. These were mostly large herd owners. In the summer, their herds grazed along the tributaries of the upper and middle reaches of the river. Anadyr, in the upper reaches of the Bolshaya Anyuy, on the watershed of the Pogynden and Bolshaya Baranikha rivers, in the upper reaches of the Oloy and other right tributaries of the Omolon. 19 c
With the onset of autumn, all groups of Chukchi reindeer herders moved inland, to the border of the forest, to winter pastures, to places more protected from the winds. The reindeer herders changed sites as the herd ate up the mosswood. Migrations were usually carried out over a distance of 5-10 km in one area and in such a way that by spring it was possible to return to the place where the camp was located last summer. The annual route was a closed curve.
The areas of nomadism changed sharply when black ice formed, which led to grueling long-distance migrations, and sometimes to a change in the area of usual nomadism.
The Chukchi did not know a shepherd dog, so the entire burden of herding deer fell on the shoulders of the shepherds. They were constantly with the herd, sometimes they did not come to the camp for days, for fear of losing the reindeer.
Wolves caused great damage to reindeer husbandry, especially in winter. In spring and summer, the shepherd’s work became even more tiring, as the deer tried to quickly run away from the annoying pursuits of the midges. An equally difficult time for the shepherds was the time of calving and harvesting of the reindeer, then all the inhabitants of the camp came to the aid of the shepherds.
To satisfy the family's vital needs (meat, skins for clothing, housing, a sufficient number of draft reindeer), a certain minimum of reindeer was required - 200-250 heads per ordinary family. The number of reindeer necessary for the existence of one family was established on the basis of a survey of reindeer herders I conducted (in 1932–
1934). However, there are different points vision. Thus, V.G. Bogoraz believed that the average size of a herd that ensures the existence of a family is 300-400 heads. 20 N.F. Kalinnikov believed that for a reindeer herder’s family to have a tolerable existence, it is enough to have about 100 reindeer. 21 However, the average number of reindeer in individual Chukchi farms in different areas of their settlement was not the same: “Among the Chukchi of the Chaun Bay and the Erri and Telkap groups, herds on average consist of 400-500 females; on the Chukotka Peninsula, a medium-sized herd has no more than 100 females.” . 22
The economy of the absolute majority of the Chukchi in the second half of the 19th century. retained a mostly natural character. All necessary means of transportation, many household utensils, some tools - all of this was manufactured within the household. In the middle of the 19th century. The Chukchi were relatively weakly involved in commodity-market relations. Of the products of reindeer husbandry, various types of skins and very small quantities of reindeer meat came to the market. For medium-sized and low-reindeer farms, the fur they produced was of great commercial importance.
Involvement of Chukchi reindeer herders in commodity-market relations, which have become more noticeable since the 70s. XIX century, contributed to the development of handicrafts and the strengthening of manual labor of women who made clothes and shoes for sale.
By the end of the 19th century. the demand for reindeer products has increased. According to the observations of V.I. Yokhelson, “previously, the export of reindeer skins from the Nizhnekolymsk district was quite limited, but over the past 6-7 years, these skins occupy either second or first place in terms of the cost of exporting them to Yakutsk among more valuable furs.” Since 1890, reindeer whippings began to be exported from Yakutsk to the Irbit Fair. “During the period from 1886 to 1892, 18,000 floggings, 4,000 rovdugs, 200 fawns, 450 undergrowth and beds (deer skins of winter slaughter. - I.V.) were taken from the Anyui fair.” 23"
Rovdugs were made by residents of Nizhnekolymsk from deer skins purchased from the Chukchi. A significant part of them came from Anadyr. In the east, skins and products made from them were intensively purchased by Alaskan Eskimos, American whalers and smugglers. Their consumers were Alaskan gold miners.
Of great importance for the further involvement of the reindeer herding economy of Chukotka in commodity-market relations was the establishment of regular communication by steamships from Vladivostok. Since the beginning of the 20th century. The ships also went to Kolyma.
Russian and Russified native population of the river. Anadyr conducted a lively exchange with the Chukchi, exchanging them handicraft items, goods imported by Russian merchants, mainly for meat and deer skins. N. L. Gondatti calculated that “from October 1894 to May 1895, the settled population of Anadyr purchased 1,986 head of deer from the nomadic population for food.” 24 Similar relationships developed in the 19th century. and in Kolyma.
The development of Chukotka reindeer husbandry in the areas of both Anyuevs was facilitated by the ever-increasing demand for reindeer raw materials (hides, skins) from Yakut traders. Known influence on the development of Chukotka reindeer husbandry in the second half
XIX century had an increasing demand for its products on the part of the sedentary Chukchi and Siberian Eskimos. According to reports from the Anadyr district chief, in 1896 “the economic well-being of the reindeer Chukchi generally increased due to an increase in the number of reindeer herds and a significant demand for reindeer meat from the settled foreign population.” 25
Gradual expansion of trade with Russians and foreigners in the second half of the 19th century. contributed to the further destruction of the natural character of the Chukotka reindeer herding economy.
At the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries. In Chukotka reindeer herding, several socio-economic processes can be noted: firstly, the impoverishment of some of the reindeer herders, as a result of which they fell into the category of poor farm laborers or settled down; secondly, an increase in the number of deer among wealthy herd owners; thirdly, the acquisition of reindeer by the wealthy part of the sedentary Chukchi and Eskimos.
Frequent deaths of reindeer had a great influence on the impoverishment of the Chukchi. The head of the Anadyr district in 1895 reported to the Amur Governor-General that “more than half of the herds of many foreigners died.” 26 In 1915, it was reported from the Anadyr district that “deer epizootics do not stop.” From 1897 to 1915, “at least 300,000 deer died.” 27 The devastation of the reindeer herders also engulfed the Chukotka district. As the head of the district reported (1910), “in the east of the Chukotka Peninsula, deer have almost completely disappeared. Not so long ago. . . There were large reindeer herders in the area of Mechigmen Bay. But icy conditions and migrations have de-infested the region and now small herds can only occasionally be seen there.” 28 Great damage was caused to reindeer husbandry by attacks from wolves and black ice. During the black ice in the winter of 1904-1905, about forty Chukchi farms with few reindeer in the Chaun region lost all their reindeer. 29 The same process of impoverishment of the weak Chukchi farms was observed east of Kolyma. As a result of the death of deer among the Chukchi of the western tundra, “it is spreading intensively. . . transition from nomadic cattle breeding to semi-sedentary fishing.” 3 How the Chukchi adapted to new conditions is described by S.A. Buturlin: “I was amazed at the degree of spiritual and everyday elasticity that they... showed, moving without slowing down from the usual wandering shepherding to semi-sedentary fishing. Just a few years ago it was possible to drive from Kolyma to Chaunskaya Bay without encountering the Chukchi by the sea, but now their ruids (yurts) can be seen everywhere - I.V. I saw old people who for the first time migrated to the sea from the tundra ridges to acquire fishing and seal nets and learn from the Russians how to throw them.” 3
The commercial exploitation of them by local merchants, who did not disdain any means in order to enrich themselves, had a noticeable influence on the ruin of some of the reindeer herders. “In some cases known to me,” noted S. A. Buturlin, “the cause of ruin was. . . merciless exploitation of merchants or passion for cards and alcohol.” 32 There were cases of abuse of Chukchi hospitality.
Great damage to Chukotka reindeer husbandry at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 19th century
XX century caused by the policies of American capitalism. In 1891, a representative of the Department of Education in Alaska, Jackson Sheldon, under the pretext of establishing the ruined economy of the Alaskan Eskimos, organized the purchase of live reindeer in Chukotka. The American Congress approved a special law on financing entrepreneurs who expressed a desire to engage in the acquisition of deer in Chukotka and Kamchatka. The American press promoted the import of deer to Alaska as the basis of a “profitable industry.” This call was a success. Since 1896, private entrepreneurs began exporting deer from Chukotka. From 1892 to 1899, 1920 live deer, mostly females, were exported, not counting the number that was exported by private entrepreneurs. 33
The export of live deer, meat and skins from Chukotka especially intensified after 1899, when gold was discovered in Nome. No one took into account how many reindeer were slaughtered and transported to Alaska. “The Americans purchase deer almost by force; they sell extremely poor, sometimes last animals, tempted by guns: for 5 important females of two years of age, or three important females and three bulls of the same age, they give a Winchester” 34 with accessories.
V.V. Solyarsky came to the conclusion that among reindeer herders “the deerless proletariat is systematically multiplying.” 35
At the same time, sedentary hunters - wealthy canoe owners and traders - bought live reindeer and created their own herds. “The sedentary Chukchi themselves try to have deer,” noted K. I. Bogdanovich, “thus, the Chukchi of the village of Unyii (Eskimos - I.V.) and on the island of Shirluk already have large herds of thousands, which they graze on the islands of Arakam and Shirluk and on nearby banks; Village residents have herds. Whalen and others." 36
Not only the Chukchi, but also the Eskimos acquired deer. “Some Eskimos,” it was reported in 1914, “keep reindeer under the supervision of Chukchi reindeer herders. Among the ivans - residents of the village. Uny-ina and the islands of Itigran have reindeer herds of 1000 heads or more.” 37 This trend was noted by G. Dyachkov, who wrote: “The nose Chukchi traders “Kavralians” roam up the Anadyr and buy deer here, exchanging them for laptaki, belts,” 38
While the masses of small and medium-sized reindeer herding farms were going bankrupt, large herd owners strengthened their position. According to V.G. Bogoraz, “in the upper reaches of Omolon, Eygeli had 5 herds, up to 15 thousand heads, his neighbor Rochgelin had 2 herds - 5 thousand. On the western tundra, Etygyn had 2 herds - 4 thousand, and Araro - 3 herds - 8 thousand deer.” 39
Rich herd owners multiplied their wealth not only by breeding reindeer: they were all engaged in trade, buying furs, reselling Russian goods, deer, etc.
The socially correct description of the rich Chukchi was given by the first head of the Anadyr district administration, L. Grinevitsky: “We can take it as a rule that all rich Chukchi are always distinguished by callousness even towards their fellow men, while the poor and middle-income people are all, no matter how much we know them, ■—wonderful people.” 40
In the second half of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries. management of reindeer husbandry, reindeer herders’ tools, the whole range of means
movements remained the same as they were in the 18th-19th centuries. No noticeable improvements were made in reindeer husbandry.
Marine hunting of the Chukchi
By the middle of the 17th century. The marine hunting industry of the sedentary Chukchi reached a high level of development. The objects of hunting were seals, walruses and whales. The Chukchi obtained their main food products from hunting marine mammals. Walrus skins were used to make belts, for rigging canoes, and for lines for harps; used for roofing yarangs, laid on the floor in sleeping areas (canopies). Raincoats were made from walrus intestines. The skins of seals (seals, bearded seals) were used to sew some types of clothing, shoes, bags for storing various household items and some products, wineskins (pyg-pyg) were used to store fat, belts of different sections were cut from them, which fastened parts of the sleds, they were used to knit nets for seal fishing, etc.
The fat of sea animals was consumed as food and used for lighting and heating the home. Hunting tools and their parts (harpoon tips, arrows, ice picks), hunting sleds (kenyr), parts of harness for dogs and deer (rings, buttons), parts of sailing rigging for canoes, some household items (scoops) were made from walrus tusks , spoons, handles), etc. Walrus tusk served as a material for the manufacture of art and religious objects. Vessels were made from whalebone, sled runners were lined with it, and nets and fishing lines were woven from its fibers. Whale bones were used as building material (for storage sheds, hangers, crossbars, beams in dugouts), they were used to make runners for sleds and much more, and they were used as fuel. Skins and skins of marine mammals, all kinds of belts, fat, shoes - all this was in great demand among Chukchi reindeer herders in exchange for reindeer herding products.
Hunting for whales and walruses was seasonal, which was due to the migrations of these animals that appeared in the waters of the Bering Strait in the spring and summer. Hunting for whales and partly walruses was carried out from canoes and was of a collective nature, while hunting for seals and polar bears was individual.
Hunting tools consisted of harpoons, spears, knives, etc. of different sizes and purposes. When using some types of harpoons, the Chukchi used throwing planks.
The greatest importance in the economy of the coastal Chukchi was the fishing of walruses, which, in addition to meat and fat, provided highly durable skins. In addition, walrus heads served as one of the most common cults. 41 Near ancient settlements, such as Shelagsky metro station, Ryrkaypyyan (Schmidta metro station),
Enurmin (cape Heart-Stone), Vankarema. Mechigmen and others, until recently one could see the skulls of walruses and other marine mammals arranged in a circle.
Walrus fishing in the autumn-summer period was the easiest and most productive. In certain places, walruses went to their rookeries. Hunters freely approached them and, using a spear on a long shaft, stabbed these sedentary and almost helpless animals on land. They also hunted walruses on the floating ice floes on which they were located.
Harvesting other marine mammals has been difficult. In the XVII-XVIII centuries. and in early XIX V. Hunting for seals near the “vent” was widely practiced in winter and spring. It was necessary to have great tenacity and dexterity in order to crawl up to a seal basking in the sun, often waking up and observing its surroundings, to a distance from which it was unmistakably possible to throw a harpoon at it. Such hunting was carried out with camouflage. The hunter put on his head the skin removed entirely from the head of a seal. Armed with a harpoon, he crawled, imitating the movements of the animal, and approached the beast. Having approached the required distance, the hunter threw a harpoon with a belt attached to it. 42 Dogs were sometimes used to hunt seals and polar bears. On the icy surface of the sea they found holes covered with snow, stopped a polar bear, and protected a person.
Whales were an important object of hunting. “From early spring until October, sedentary Chukchi catch whales. .. The harpoon is usually made entirely of walrus bone, sometimes the tip is made of iron. A strong belt is attached to it, at a distance of 30 fathoms from the harpoon three whole inflated seal skins in the form of bubbles (pippi) are tied, then after 20 fathoms two more of the same floats and at the same distance at the end of the belt another one. These floats, floating to the surface of the water, show them (the hunters - I.V.) the way, they follow the whale, and when it gets tired, they finish it off, stabbing it with spears, like wounded seals.” 43
Before foreign whalers appeared in the Bering Strait, the Chukchi caught a significant number of whales. Thus, F.P. Wrangel wrote that the inhabitants of Kolyuchin Island caught 50 whales over the summer. 44
It should be noted that not all areas of settlement of the coastal Chukchi had equally favorable conditions for fishing for walruses and whales. The most intensive and with great results marine hunting was carried out by the population of the coast of the Bering Sea and partly the coast of the Arctic Ocean, especially in the areas adjacent to the strait. The further to the northwest from the Bering Strait, the more severe the ocean ice regime, the fewer walruses and whales passed there. It is no coincidence that Cape Schmidt is called Ryrkaypyyan in Chukchi, which means “Place where the passage is closed to walruses.”
For the population of the Arctic Ocean coast, seal hunting was of greater importance. According to K-Merck's reports,
F. P. Wrangel, F. P. Litke, in the 18th and early 19th centuries. The Chukchi marine hunting industry has not undergone noticeable changes. Firearms were just beginning to reach them. Researchers who visited Chukotka in the first quarter of the 19th century recorded isolated cases of the Chukchi having firearms. 45
The penetration of firearms into the marine hunting industry, apparently, should be attributed to the second half of the 19th century. It should not be forgotten, however, that in different areas of Chukchi settlement firearms appeared at different times. Thus, on the Chukotka Peninsula, guns began to come into use by sea hunters earlier than near the Chaunskaya Bay. Whalers and American smugglers have been coming to Chukotka since the 20s of the 19th century. They brought in guns and ammunition for them.
The use of guns required the invention of a special tool for extracting prey from the water, the so-called akyn (cat). A pear-shaped piece of wood was attached to one end of a thin long line. Several iron hooks (3-5) were driven into its thickened part, with their points facing the top of the akyn, to which the line was attached. 46 After a successful shot, the hunter threw the akyn in such a way that it would fall further than the killed seal. When the hunter began to pull the line toward himself, the hooks of the akyn clung to the seal's skin, and thus the prey was pulled to the edge of the ice on which the hunter stood.
By the beginning of the 20th century. Firearms were already used everywhere in the sea hunting industry of the Chukchi. Every year, from 300 to 500 hard drives with appropriate equipment were imported to the Eastern coast of Chukotka. 47
Since the 90s. XIX century The Russian government, through its official representatives in Anadyr, supplied the Chukchi mainly with rifles of the Karle system. 48 And yet, not all Chukchi had the opportunity to purchase a gun or have sufficient quantities of gunpowder, lead, and cartridges. According to N.F. Kalinnikov, in 1909, near M, Shmidt and further to Chaunskaya Bay, “where cartridges and guns are not found so often,” the old method of hunting with a harpoon was still preserved.
At the beginning of the 20th century. whaling guns and harpoons with bombs appeared. 49 In 1915, 667 farms of the Primorye Chukchi had 1,150 rifled weapons different systems, 207 small whaling guns. 50
^The main means of transportation of the Chukchi by sea were canoes. However, already at the end of the 19th century. The kayak now has a competitor - a whaleboat. In 1909, almost every village, from Cape Bering in the south to Cape Serdtse-Kamen in the northwest, had whaleboats, and in Chaplino there were 15. 51
In 1915, Chukotka hunters had 101 whaleboats and 523 kayaks. 2 However, whaleboats did not replace the canoes, since the latter have their own advantages. They are light and very convenient when landing on the shore during surf or on ice, for swimming in shallow lagoons and rivers. In addition, they could be made on their own from their own materials.
Rich Chukchi and Eskimos began to purchase schooners with gasoline engines from the Americans. As the Kamchatka governor reported in 1911, “recently the local population has begun to acquire from the Americans their own small schooners, of which there are currently five: in Uelen, Nuukan, Chaplin, Estigate and on Bering Cape.” 53
Schooners were used in maritime fishing and were used for coastal voyages for the purpose of trade. Their crew consisted of local residents.
In the second half of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries. conditions for the further development of private property became more favorable. The demand for walrus tusks, whalebone, and fat from marine animals increased sharply, and from the end of the 19th century. - for seal and walrus skins, as well as for products made from them. All this was exported, mainly to Alaska. According to far from complete data, in 1895, American ships exported from Chukotka 1,240 whalebone plates, 658 walrus tusks, 67 pairs of seal pants, 403 pairs of seal backpacks, 82 pairs of seal mittens, 66 seal bags, 14 seal caps, etc. . item 64
In 1905, 9,850 seal skins, 8,200 pounds of walrus tusks, 8,000 pounds of whalebone, 230 bearded seal skins, and 15 walrus skins were exported to America. 65
In 1906, the trading station of the North-Eastern Siberian Society at Cape Dezhnev sent $15,000 worth of raw materials purchased from the Chukchi to Alaska, and $34,000 worth of furs, walrus ivory, skins and whalebone from the Vladimir station (Provideniya post). 56
Simultaneously with the development of private ownership of tools and means of hunting, there was a destruction of the primitive communal principles of equal distribution of spoils. When collective types of hunting were preserved, for example, whales, only whale meat and fat went into communal distribution, and whalebone was divided according to certain rules only among the participants in the fishery. Rules were also established for the division of walrus skins and tusks between participants in the hunt, while meat and fat continued to be common property. However, even when dividing walrus meat, established rules applied. 57
The products of hunting bearded seals were also distributed unevenly. The skins that were used for belts and soles were especially highly valued, as they were one of the main items in the exchange with the reindeer Chukchi. Their distribution was no less strict and was carried out in accordance with established traditions.
Since the end of the 19th century. There was a demand in the foreign market for the skins of sea animals and shoes made from them. These goods were bought in significant quantities by American whalers-smugglers.
Foreigners not only bought fishery products, but also hunted whales, walruses, and seals themselves, often in the waters and rookeries of the Chukotka Peninsula. Already at the end of the 60s. XIX century a decrease in game animals off the coast of Chu-kotka began to be felt. “Complaints were heard from coastal residents on all sides that previously sea fisheries were much more profitable... in sufficient quantities to exchange them with the Chukchi reindeer herders for the necessary material for winter clothing; but since the Americans began catching seals and walruses right off the coast, the prey that fell to the Chukchi became much poorer, and the need increased greatly.” 58 O. Nordquist, the Chukchi repeatedly spoke about schooners that exterminate whales and walruses, which is why the Chukchi themselves suffer from poverty. 59 And in 1886, the Chukchi and Eskimos of all villages complained to Colonel Resin: if the Russian government does not protect them from American predators, “they will face starvation in the future.” 0
The “Government Gazette” for 1890 reported: “In the Bering Sea, the extermination of whales goes in parallel with the destruction of seals, walruses and some other animals, and if measures are not taken in a timely manner against such extermination, then the whales will also hatch like seals.” and walruses. It is already known that 10 large schooners sail annually from San Francisco and Victoria alone to the Bering Sea, but a significant number of American vessels engaged in illegal fishing off the Russian coast remains unknown.” 61
The complaints of the Chukchi and Eskimos were not unfounded. In 1885, “near the village of Unyin on the Chukotka Peninsula, 21 whales were killed, four of them were killed by the Chukchi, and the rest by 5 whaler parties.” In 1900, only 63 whales were caught in the Bering Sea, in 1901 - 39, in 1902 - 52, in 1903 - 38. 62 Already in 1914, only 11 whales were caught in the Chukotka district, and in 1915 - only six. 63
And not only whales, but also walruses were the object of predatory extermination by foreign whalers. “The Chukchi have long been complaining to the Russian government about this extermination,” explaining that “when the walrus ends, the Chukchi will end.” 64
In 1910, the Governor-General of the Amur Region P.F. Unterberger had the opportunity to personally listen to the complaints of the Chukchi. Residents of the village Enmylyn “complained to the head of the region that American schooners were knocking out sea animals along the shores. Previously there was a lot of it, now it is becoming less and less, and they are afraid that the walruses will be greatly exterminated, and the Chukchi will suffer an acute need for food.” In the village The Nunlygran Chukchi also “complained about the Americans destroying sea animals and asked for protection.” 66
Poaching increased even more after 1914, as coastal protection was significantly weakened due to the war. The population experienced a shortage of walrus meat almost every year, and in some places there was simply hunger. In the winter of 1915/16, the inhabitants of the Bering Strait coast found themselves in an extremely difficult situation. In February 1916, the Governor of Kamchatka Monomakhov reported to the Governor-General of the Primorsky Region: “Along the coast from Providence Bay to Cape Dezhnev in 25 villages, since mid-November, due to the decline in walrus fishing, famine began; they feed on thongs and skins. main reason deterioration of walrus fishing - massive predatory extermination of walruses off our shores by American schooners. In 1915, each schooner hunted up to two thousand walruses, using tusks, skin, fat, throwing the meat into the sea.” 66
Poachers also killed walruses in rookeries, 67 which resulted in the extinction of rookeries. Many of them never recovered. Of the twenty walrus rookeries on the Chukotka Peninsula by the beginning of the 20th century. There were only five left, which were still visited by walruses.
In the second half of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries. The predatory extermination of whales and walruses by foreign whalers undermined the commercial base of the settled population of Chukotka.
Fishing and other crafts of the Chukchi
Fishing for the Chukchi was a related activity. As already mentioned, both the reindeer and coastal Chukchi were engaged in this, but they did not create fish stocks in the form of yukola.
Having familiarized yourself in detail with the life and way of life of the Chukchi at the end
XVIII century, K-Merck noted: “As for fishing, the locals do it only in passing, eating the fish raw, but not drying it. For this purpose they use nets made of whale veins or belts made of sealskin (Jginhi). Small fish are also caught with a bone fishing rod.” 68 “On the river. In Chaune,” the same author further wrote, “there are polynyas and in them there are a very large number of trout. . . The Chukchi catch this fish in December and January with nets made of sinew threads. They also easily extract it from the water with a hook (obviously a marik - I.V.) in the form of an iron hook attached to the end of a pole. They freeze this fish, put it on cargo sleds and take it with them.” 69
The underdevelopment of fishing among the Chukchi, its poor equipment with fishing tools and means is evidence that in the past they did not have this fishery. 70 The poor were forced to resort to fishing. However, they did not store fish for future use; they ate it only at certain periods of the year. 71
Fishing was somewhat more important for the Chukchi, who migrated in the mid-18th century. to the southern bank of the river. Anadyr. Here they gradually learned the techniques and methods of catching fish by the Koryaks, as well as preparing it in the form of yukola for the winter.
In the second half of the 19th century. The importance of fishing for sedentary Chukchi increases noticeably. The decline in the production of marine mammals encouraged the population to engage in fishing more intensively. “The coastal inhabitants of the Chukotka Peninsula are still little interested in fish, although there is already a noticeable transition to this source of food, which in the future, after the extermination of the beast, should become the main one for them.” 2
The further south and northwest from the Bering Strait you go, the more important fishing was in the life of the sedentary Chukchi. Fishing was individual in nature. Often the Chukchi could not engage in more productive fishing, since they did not have the necessary fishing gear (neither individual nor collective use). Back in 1916, it was noted that “due to the impossibility of obtaining yarn material for nets, some of the Chukchi use small nets woven from reindeer tendons for fishing.” 73 To create such a network, it took several months of hard work by a woman. ts ts
The low-reindeer Chukchi systematically engaged in fishing, spending the summer on the banks of the Anadyr estuary, in the lower reaches of the river. Anadyr. “The Chukchi whom I saw,” wrote Olsufiev, “knew only one way of catching fish, namely, with the help of a fixed net tied from leather straps. This net has the shape of a wedge, up to 3 fathoms long, with a base width of 2 ar-tires. One end is fixed on the shore, and the other, with the help of a long pole, is pushed forward. After a few minutes, the net is pulled to the shore by a belt, each time bringing in 2-4 fish.” 74
With such imperfect means of production, the Chukchi did not create fish stocks. “The Chukchi and Lamut catch red fish only for their current needs.” 7
Reporting on the Chukchi fishery on the coast of the Pacific and Arctic oceans, Kalinnikov wrote: “They are not willing to switch to fish, because for this fishery they have neither experience, nor instruments, nor the ability to prepare it for future use.” 76 Apparently, this generalization is valid only for the Chukchi, who lived north of Providence Bay and along the coast of the Arctic Ocean.
There was no industrial fishing, which would have influenced the development of the economy of the local population, in Chukotka. Only in 1908 did industrial exploitation of Anadyr's fish resources begin, when the first fishing establishment was founded on the estuary. 77 Fishing was of paramount importance only for the settled population of Anadyr.
Hunting for mountain sheep, moose, polar and brown bears, wolverines, wolves, foxes, and arctic foxes occupied an insignificant place in the Chukchi economy. A. Argentov gave a description of the Chukchi hunting industry and the tools they used in the middle of the 19th century. “Foxes, arctic foxes and wolverines are hunted by dogs in the deep snow in the fall. Chelibukha (strychnine - I.V.) is used to feed wolves and foxes in cold winters. Polar bears are shot with arrows or speared. They shoot wild deer with a rifle in the summer, as well as rams.” 7®
The Chukchi in the past did not use either traps or cherkans, but they used a number of original traps created from local materials. For arctic foxes or foxes, an uluke, or a hole in the ice, was often used, at the entrance to which a secret loop with a hanging weight was installed. A bait - a piece of meat - was left in the hole. As soon as the arctic fox touched him, the noose tightened and crushed the animal. The eucev trap is also notable. It was an ice pit with steep walls. The mouth of the pit was lined with smooth ice, and a rotating board with a frozen piece of meat was fixed here. When the arctic fox touched the bait, the board turned and the animal fell into the hole. The board was level again. 7 However, these original ways the production of fur-bearing animals was soon forgotten by the Chukchi.
The Chukchi also hunted waterfowl with the help of a special weapon eplykytet (bola). In winter, they hunted hares and partridges using snares, bows and arrows. These crafts were always of an auxiliary nature.
As reindeer husbandry develops, on the one hand, and marine hunting, on the other, land-based types of hunting for meat animals lose their importance. At the same time, with the establishment of regular trade relations between the Chukchi and the Russians, the hunting of arctic foxes and foxes is intensifying. N.F. Kalinnikov met reindeer herders in the tundra, who killed up to 80 arctic foxes during the winter. Of the sedentary Chukchi, those who lived to the west of Cape Schmidt were more and more successful in the fur trade.
The original hunting tools were replaced by firearms, factory-made traps and mouths, which the Chukchi adopted from the Russian inhabitants. The latter were used where there was waste forest in the area of Cape Shelagsky, along the shore of Chaunskaya Bay and further to the west, right up to Kolyma, along the banks of the Anadyr and Kolyma rivers.
Hunting was the work of men. Among the Chukchi there were no people who existed only through the fur trade: hunting was a subsidiary occupation, but it was important in the economy. Furs served as currency with which imported and local goods were purchased.
Some of the Chukchi paid great attention to this craft. They made improvements to it, tried to make the fishery, in particular the arctic fox, regular. To do this, in the summer, when sea animal hunting was successful, they offered some of the meat as bait for arctic foxes. 80
The size of the Chukchi fur trade can be judged to a certain extent by the number of fox skins purchased by Americans in Chukotka. In 1894 in the village. Uelen purchased 45 arctic fox skins, in 1895 - 1 18. 81 In 1905, 560 arctic fox skins were purchased along the entire coast of the Bering Sea (north of Bering Cape). 82
The coastal Chukchi, like the reindeer, prepared berries (shiksha, cloudberries), roots of some plant tubers, as well as leaves of shrubs, which were eaten in winter. Kalinnikov recorded about 20 species of various plants used by the Chukchi for food. 83
In the spring, they ate some types of shellfish, and in the fall, they caught sea kale leaves in the sea with a special tool, which were eaten raw.
On the basis of marine hunting and “on the basis of reindeer husbandry, handicrafts have developed: dressing rovduga (suede) and manufacturing for sale kukhlyankas, blankets, carpets, kukuls, gloves, mittens, tote bags, etc.” 84
In a special way, the Chukchi tanned seal skin, soaked it in fat, which made it elastic, waterproof and dark, almost black in color. Suitcases were made from such leather for sale in Kolyma and Anadyr to Russians, and boot-shaped bags were made for sale in Alaska. “In addition to boots, the needlewomen of this area prepare during the long winter many rugs of various sizes from white and multi-colored seal skin, cut out in various shapes, with an edge of some kind of fur, embroidered handbags, belts, gun cases, bandoleers and other small items.” 85
“Along with women, men cut simple chains, paper knives, cigarette holders, pipes, buttons, models of steamships and schooners from bone, and simply polish beautiful walrus tusks. Some achieve great elegance in their work and purchase lathes in America specifically for this purpose.” 86 Almost all of these items were intended for sale.
The beginnings of handicraft production serving foreign market, arose only on the eastern coast of Chukotka. In this type of new activity (all production processes from start to finish were manual) to a greater extent women were involved.
Buyers handicrafts in accordance with market demands, the Chukchi ordered objects based on samples that deviated from traditional forms, often these were completely new objects made from local materials (rugs, Peliken sculptures, etc.). 87
With the development of whaling in the Bering Sea, captains of whaling schooners preferred to hire Chukchi and Eskimo sailors on their ships. They were not only the cheapest labor force, but also easily endured the hardships of life on a small boat in the waters of a stormy and cold ocean. “At the end of the voyage, such a worker is paid with a gun, a box of tobacco and crackers.” 8
It is known that a number of Chukchi worked in the gold mines on the river. It was necessary in 1907-1908, 80 in the development of graphite in Puutyn, in the service of traders, etc. However, with the exception of a few, they did not completely break away from their main occupation - sea fishing.
Hunting tools and weapons of the Chukchi
The most common tools for hunting land animals in the 17th-18th centuries, and partly in the 19th century, were a bow with arrows and a spear. The latter was used when hunting polar bears and walruses. Hunting tools for marine mammals are structurally different from land hunting tools. Most of them are throwing harpoons of different sizes with detachable tips, to which long lines are attached.
The materials for the manufacture of tools and weapons were stone, wood, bone of sea and land animals, whalebone and iron. Throughout the 17th and 18th centuries. The Chukchi widely used stone (obsidian, flint, slate), from which they made harpoon inserts, spearheads, arrowheads and other tools. Bows, shafts for arrows, shafts for harpoons, spears, darts, and spear throwers were made from wood. The tree was used as a basis for the shield-shaped openings of the Chukchi armor, trimmed with walrus skin on top. The most widely used were bones and antlers (mainly deer), walrus tusks and whale ribs and jaws. Deer horns were used to make arrowheads, piercings, parts of harness, handles, spears for reindeer and dog sleds, shakers of snow (from clothes and canopies), spoons, and hooks for hanging. Knives, armor plates, etc. were made from deer ribs. Whalebone was used as a material for inserts in arrowheads. They were used to fasten the wooden base of the bows. Whalebone fibers were used for fishing lines, from which nets and nets were woven.
In the 18th century stone axes (gatte), spear and arrow tips, and bone knives were almost replaced by metal ones. By the middle of the 19th century. iron and copper penetrated into all corners of Chukotka and firmly entered into the everyday life of the Chukchi, becoming an indispensable material for tools and weapons. Buying copper and iron cauldrons, the Chukchi cut them down and made arrowheads and even armor. However, it should be noted that the Chukchi mainly received metal knives, spearheads, cauldrons, and needles in the form of finished products. The weapons of the Chukchi and the means of protecting soldiers are described in detail in the work of V.V. Antropova. 90
A bow with arrows and a spear were the weapons of the Chukchi warrior. As can be understood from the message of T.I. Shmalev, the Chukchi bows were complex, that is, they consisted of several layers glued together - “bows also with a sticker.” 91 Sometimes whalebone was used to strengthen the bow. The flight feathers of geese, crows, gulls and owls were used to feather the arrows. 92 Unlike the Koryaks and Yukaghirs, the Chukchi attached two feathers to the arrow, not three. 93 It is known that the Chukchi often traded bows and materials for them from the Koryaks and Alaskan Eskimos. 94
From the means of protecting a warrior in the 17th-18th centuries. There were two types of shells in use, differing in material and shape. A shell made of walrus skin or whalebone was apparently developed by sea animal hunters (Eskimos); shells made of bone or metal plates are also known among other peoples of Asia. 95
The Chukchi also come across iron chain mail, highly valued by them, made of oblong quadrangular pieces of iron fastened with straps, as well as similar helmets with a visor on the forehead and with earpieces. 96
Corporal G. Sheikin, who served in the Anadyr prison in the 50s.
XVIII century, describes the shells and arrows of the Chukchi: “The Chukchi, instead of armor during battles, put on one-sided kuyak, made of iron and whalebone, and on the head from the kuyak of openers - a wooden board and upholstered in sea skin, called lavtak, because behind which the boards, looking out, shoot an arrow from a wooden bow, which is similar to Tatar arrows. . . the spear is inserted from bone, and it is not firmly planted, but it is jagged, so that if there is a hit on a person, the arrow will be pulled out, and the spear will remain in the human wound. Feathers are not glued to the arrows, but tied with veins only at the ends.” 97
Cossack Kuznetsky in 1756 said the following about Chukchi weapons: “And besides, those arrows on both sides are smeared with juice from a grass called buttercup, from which a person receiving an ulcer from an arrow will soon swell and die. . ,". 98
The Chukchi also used “stone shakers”—slings—as weapons. “And their battle is stone and heavy,” noted K. Ivanov in 1660. 90 The same is confirmed by a number of other evidence
The Chukchi weapons described above lasted mainly until the end of the 18th century. However, some changes were already evident then. Despite strict prohibitions on the sale of metal products and, first of all, weapons to the Chukchi, it still penetrated to them.
In 1778, being near the town of Schmidt, D. Cook noted that “their arrows were armed with bones or stones, and spears, iron or steel of European work, hung on a leather belt over the right shoulder, and on the left were beautiful red leather quivers filled with arrows." 101
The Chukchi sometimes used lassos as a means of hunting and “weapons.” The use of one or another weapon depended on the solution of tactical problems in this moment. Describing the armament of the Chukchi in the first quarter of the 19th century, Captain Shishmarev noted that the quivers were “very beautiful, made of deerskin, painted and embroidered.” 102 Knives were a mandatory weapon for every warrior and hunter. “Their main weapon is an arshin-long knife, always carried with them and kept in a case, some also have one or two smaller knives, usually hidden in a pocket or behind the sleeve.” 103
Kotzebue, who visited the Chukchi in 1818, wrote: “Their weapons consist of bows, arrows, knives and spears; These latter are entirely made of iron with copper decorations. They have knives of three kinds: the first, a yard long, is carried in a sheath on the left side; the other, a little shorter, they hide under the clothes on the back, so that the handle is visible one inch above the left shoulder; the third kind of knives, half a foot long, are tucked into the sleeve and used only for work.” 104
At the end of the 18th century. military clashes between the Chukchi and their neighbors ceased, and weapons no longer developed - shells, bows, spears, and military arrows became relic items.
Means of transportation among the Chukchi
The main means of transportation on land was deer. The Chukchi harnessed reindeer to sledges. At the same time, they used several types of sledges. Sleds for passenger riding, sledges for transporting cargo, sledges for transporting utensils kukiinen (literally - boiler-cargo), a wagon covered with reindeer skins, for transporting children - a ram, sledges for transporting poles of the yaranga frame. The Chukchi used reindeer in harness only along the sledge route. “They elegantly carve their light sleds,” wrote K. Merck, “from birch wood, disassemble them in the spring, and assemble them again by winter, and by winter they always scrape them white and cover the runners with whalebone. Cargo sleds are heavy and, due to the lack of timber, are usually covered with patches. The connecting arches of the runners are usually made from the antlers of wild deer. . . They use whalebone to tie parts of cargo sleds together, and mostly tie sleds with suede. . . From rain and snow, the sledges (loaded - and B) are covered with walrus skins. In addition, women have special covered sledges, mostly made of birch wood, very painstakingly finished, which are covered with a canopy of low-wool white or variegated fur, sewn in the form of a tire and stretched over round posts or narrow boards. The edges of this cover are usually trimmed with a strip of hand embroidery and hung with a fringe of suede straps. In addition, for decoration, they also fasten a large round piece of embroidered fur on the back of the sled, from which several long tassels made of red hairs of young seals are suspended in the middle. Women in labor and small children are transported in such sleds. . . Wives also travel in them, accompanying their husbands on visiting trips. Such sledges, as well as light sleds, are harnessed with two reindeer, while cargo sledges are harnessed with only one.” 106 Apparently, there have been no fundamental changes in the reindeer harness of the Chukchi since the 18th century. and to this day it has not endured.
Every household, no matter how economically weak it was, had at least a pair of reindeer harnesses and sledges. Only single women and orphans did not have deer.
When going on a long journey with cargo, the Chukchi moved slowly, making a maximum of 10-12 km per day, since the reindeer quickly got tired.
If a Chukchi went somewhere far away light, he preferred to travel a lot of extra distance, just not to spend the night with reindeer in the tundra. Usually such a traveler traveled from camp to camp. In the first camp he left his reindeer, they gave him fresh ones, which he in turn left in the next camp, etc. On the way back, he returned to the owners those deer that they gave him. With this method of movement and replacing tired deer with fresh ones, the traveler quickly covered long distances.
To move on snow and ice, the Chukchi used racket skis called velvyygyt (literally: crow skis).
paws), 106 they have survived to the present day. When walking on ice and uneven surfaces, spikes made from deer antler, mammoth tusk or walrus tusk were tied to them.
As a means of transportation on water, the Chukchi used single-seat kayaks and large multi-seat kayaks. “And their trays are made of leather,” Anadyr clerk Kurbat Ivanov reported in 1660, “and they lift people in 20s and 30s.” 107 “Their boats are covered with walrus skin, the frame is secured at the top with two poles, forming a sharp bow protruding forward, and at the back the ends of the poles protrude beyond the blunt stern. The boat has four benches for rowers: one sits on the front, 2-3 oarsmen on the others, and one on the rudder. They row with short, single-bladed oars. For long-distance voyages, two transverse poles with inflated seal skins in the form of floats are strengthened in the middle of the kayak, a little closer to the bow. In this way they prevent the canoe from being capsized by a wave. They do not dare to sail into the open sea without such bubbles. In addition, floats are convenient when dragging in dead animals and when cutting up carcasses in water. Then both bubbles are tied to one side to maintain the balance of the vessel. The suede sail of their boats is called e1et-Meip, and the oars are called “eielo.” 108
Apparently, the sizes of the canoes were different, which depended on the number of people uniting for a joint fishery.
At the end of the 19th century. Along with canoes, whaleboats and schooners began to be used. If necessary, the reindeer Chukchi built rafts with tmitim (from the Tungusic “tym”). There are indications in folklore that when crossing large rivers, the Chukchi pulled together sledges, covered them with a tent cover, and it turned out to be a kind of boat on which they transported property and moved themselves.
There are known cases when the reindeer Chukchi used the canoes of sea hunters. In turn, the sedentary Chukchi, when the need arose to travel long distances, used the reindeer of the nomadic Chukchi. “The reindeer Chukchi come to the sedentary Chukchi on reindeer and on winter trips to the Koryak they lift up those sitting on their reindeer, and, on the contrary, the sedentary Chukchi carry the reindeer in their canoes across the sea and along the river and give them their canoes as mutual friendship, and from them they take deer skins of various ranks for their clothes instead of their canoes.” 109 So in the 18th century.
Between the reindeer and sedentary Chukchi there was mutual assistance by means of transportation.
Another means of transportation on land was dog sleds, the use of which apparently dates back to recent times. Not in any document known to us
XVII century there is no indication of the use of dogs in harness. No remains of dog harnesses earlier than the 17th century have also been discovered. and during archaeological excavations in Chukotka. It is also very significant that all the terminology associated with harnessing dogs and riding dogs comes from harnessing and riding reindeer. Consequently, the use of dogs as a means of transportation arose later than the use of deer in harness. This situation is quite natural and corresponds to the general path of development of the economic forms of the Chukchi.
Borrowing from the Eskimos the culture of sea hunting, the Chukchi also borrowed the use of dogs in harness according to the Eskimo model. They brought their own to this borrowing, in particular, they harnessed dogs to reindeer-type sledges. 110 As I. Billings noted, “the sedentary Chukchi ride dogs, harnessing 4 to 6 of them side by side and controlling the whip.” 111 “In winter, sedentary Chukchi ride on dogs,” wrote K. Merck, “their sleds are 5 1/2 feet long, 8-10 inches high, and 1 foot 4 inches wide or a little more. The runners are narrow and covered with whalebone, with 7-8 arches made of deer antlers placed on them. They harness from 3 to 7 dogs in one transverse row to separate belts tied to the front of the sled.” 112 The details reported by K. Merk leave no doubt that structurally and in appearance this sled was not much different from a reindeer car.
They retained the fan type of dog harness in the first half of the 19th century, as F. P. Wrangel 113 and Cyber wrote about.” 4 At the Beginning
XIX century the use of "canoe string dogs" along the shore has been recorded. 115
Thus, among the Chukchi in the 18th and first half of the 19th centuries. The Eskimo type of dog harness with a fan was widespread. Only later did they borrow from the Russians both the type of sled, the method of harnessing - in a train, and control using a pole. Apparently, this method of dog sledding began to spread among the Chukchi from the middle
In the second half of the 19th century and until the beginning of the 20th century. The Chukchi still practiced two methods of sledding dogs: the old one - with a fan and the new one - in a train. According to each method of harnessing, different types of sleds were used. Usually 8-12 dogs were harnessed to a team, and 5-6 to a fan team. However, Nordenskiöld noted that most often the Chukchi harnessed dogs pair by pair in one long common row. Already, apparently, then new type sleds have significantly replaced the previous one. 118
At the beginning of the 20th century. The ancient method of sledding dogs with a fan was preserved among the Chukchi only during “competitions in speed of riding. This method of sledding was used by the Chukchi later, as the author was able to observe in the village of Lorino in 1932.
Every Chukchi household that had able-bodied men had a team of dogs. However, their quantity and quality were directly dependent on the wealth of the family and the maritime industry. On the coast of the Arctic Ocean, west of the village. Vankarem, the Chukchi had fewer dogs, since sea fishing here was less productive than to the east, and therefore the usual team consisted of 6-8 dogs. Residents of the Arctic Ocean coast, due to frequent hunger strikes, lost the few animals they had. The “chronic lack of dogs” of the Chukchi on this coast was noted by almost everyone who visited them. 119
Dogs often died not only from lack of food, but also from disease. Among the Russified population of Anadyr alone, out of 1,800 dogs, about 1,000 died. 1 “Diseases are killing hundreds of dogs because the population does not know how to fight them; there was no veterinary care here.” 121
The Chukchi were not very skillful in breeding and selecting the best dogs. They preferred to buy sled dogs from the Russian residents of Kolyma and Anadyr. Some of the residents of Kolyma were specifically engaged in breeding and buying dogs in order to resell them to the Chukchi. The cost of an average dog is 15 rubles. or 2 Arctic foxes. The best dogs were valued at 20, 25 and 30 rubles, i.e. 4 arctic foxes per head. The Chukchi had neither hunting nor herding dogs.
The dogs were fed meat and fat from marine mammals. In Anadyr - fish and often deer meat.
Dwelling of the Chukchi
The Chukchi had two types of dwellings: portable and permanent. The “sedentary” or sedentary Chukchi had two types of dwellings: winter and summer. In winter they lived in half-dugouts, the type and design of which were borrowed from the Eskimos.
The most detailed information about the structure of the semi-dugouts of the sedentary Chukchi is reported by K-Merck: “The winter dwellings adopted by the sedentary Chukchi are called MshtsN (Eskimo - I.V.), among the reindeer Chukchi they are called cYgab. . . . The outside of the yurts is covered with turf, rounded and raised several feet above the ground level. There is a quadrangular hole on the side through which you can enter.
Around the entrance, whale jaws... up to 7 feet high, were placed upright along the entire circumference of the dugouts, except for the passage space. On top they are covered with whale ribs, and on top of that - with turf. Through the mentioned entrance you first find yourself in a corridor, the length of the entire dugout, about 6 feet high, about a fathom wide or more, and slightly deeper than the level of the dugout floor. The dugout itself is always quadrangular in shape, its width and length are 10-14 feet, and its height is 8 feet or more. Closer to the walls, the height of the room decreases due to the bending of the ceiling. The dugout is deepened into the ground 5 feet, and in addition, an earthen wall is laid three feet high, on top of which are whale jaws installed on all sides. On the said whale jaws rest four separate identical whale jaws, laid lengthwise from the entrance itself at some distance from each other and forming the ceiling of the yurt. Whale ribs are laid across the entire ceiling. At a height of three feet from the floor level, one rib is attached to the four corners of the yurt, which rest on supports in the middle of their bend, and boards are laid on them along all four walls. They represent the bunks on which the Chukchi sleep and sit. The floor is also covered with boards, and under the bunks, instead of flooring, walrus skins are placed. Near the entrance in the ceiling there is a grated hole covered with a whale liver bladder. . Near the window there is another small hole in the ceiling in the form of a vertebra pressed into the roof; it is intended to release smoke from the lamps located at the four corners of the yurt. Some of the whale ribs that form the roof are painted on the sides in White color and they depict figures, such as whales, canoes, and other things that they do during festivals. The entryway is illuminated by the same window built into the ceiling near the dugout itself. At the other end of the entryway there are entrances to two or three storerooms; sometimes two dugouts have only one common external passage with the entryway.” 123
These data are supplemented by information from Langans: “Many families live in one yurt, each of which is separated only by its own special canopy made of deer skins. They have a fire burning day and night in bowls filled with the fat of various sea animals and having moss instead of lamps.” 124
When comparing these descriptions with the materials of the archaeological excavations of S.I. Rudenko, a striking similarity is revealed between the plans of dugouts of the Punuk time (VII-XVII centuries AD) with those described above. Rudenko notes the presence of storerooms located near the corridors, sometimes one common entrance for two dugouts. The material from which dugouts were built in the Punuk time and in the 18th century also coincides. 125
In the folk memory of the modern population of Chukotka, the idea that there used to be two types of half-dugouts has been preserved. val/saran (“dwelling of jaws”) and klergan (“men’s dwelling”) Klergan, despite this seemingly special name, is considered by the local population to be simply a winter collective dwelling in which several families of close relatives settled. Valkaran is also a winter home, but for one family. According to informants, orphans or strangers lived in Valkaran, whom a large family could settle near them
Summer dwellings of sedentary Chukchi in the 18th century. differed from winter ones in that the inhabitants of the yaranga were usually members of the same family. Near the winter yurts “their summer yarangas stand.” “There is always one winter yurt for several summer yarangs,” notes K-Merck. 126
In Uelen there were “26 summer yurts, 7 winter ones.” This ratio of the number of winter and summer dwellings was typical for all settled Chukchi settlements. G. Sarychev noted that the village “Yandanai (Yanranai. - I.V.) has two dugouts and sixteen summer huts. . . Lugren (Luren - I.V.) consists of four dugouts and seventeen huts.” “The village of Mechigma. . . had twelve huts and three earthen yurts. The summer home of the sedentary Chukchi is nothing more than huts placed above the ground; made from whale ribs and poles and covered with the skins of sea animals. By winter, these huts are dismantled and they go to live in dugouts" 128
The yarangas of the coastal Chukchi in appearance and internal structure resembled the yarangas of the reindeer Chukchi. While retaining the structural basis of the reindeer herders' yaranga, the summer home of the sedentary Chukchi also had some differences. It did not have a smoke hole at the top. Where there was no forest, the Chukchi did not even build a fireplace. Food was prepared on fat lamps or in specially constructed “kitchens” near the yaranga, where they burned the bones of sea animals, dousing them with fat.
In the XVII-XVIII centuries. The Chukchi went on long voyages (to the rivers Kolyma, Amguema, Anadyr, etc.) with all their property, with their families, and during this period yarangas served as their housing. However, during stops along the way and, if necessary, shelter from bad weather, they pulled the canoes ashore, turned them upside down and positioned themselves under their shelter.
Already at the end of the 18th century, some Chukchi remained for the winter to live in yarangas, covered with walrus skins with canopies made of reindeer skins inside. Later A.P. Lazarev noted: “We did not see winter yurts among the Chukchi; summer ones are quite round at the bottom, in diameter - from 2 1/2 to 4 fathoms, and convex at the top, which is why from a distance they look like stopsen. We were told that the Chukchi live in these yurts in winter, which we did not believe at first, but we were assured that it was not cold in them in winter. ". 129
In the 19th century The semi-underground dwellings of the Valkaran and Clegran finally disappear. Instead, in winter, yarangas with sleeping canopies made of deer skins are used. F.P. Wrangel, who rode on dogs from Cape Shelagsky to Kolyuchiiskaya Bay, saw only the ruins of old dugouts, but nowhere does he say that the Chukchi live in them. “The sedentary Chukchi live in small villages,” he wrote. “Their huts are built on poles and whale ribs, covered with deer skins.” 130
The reindeer Chukchi lived in yarangas both in winter and summer. The only difference between them was the quality of the skins from which the tire and canopy were made.
Descriptions of the dwellings of Chukchi reindeer herders of the 18th century. indicate that with the development of production and changes in social relations, the yaranga also underwent a change, first of all, its size.
“In yarangas they unite in the summer, as well as in the winter, during long stays in one place, all connected by at least distant kinship. Such yarangas contain several canopies of reindeer skins and therefore have significant dimensions... A spacious yaranga, accommodating 6 deer canopies, has a circumference of 20 fathoms; the length across, from door to door, is 5 fathoms, the width is 4 fathoms. The height in the middle is 9 feet." The type of communal yaranga of the reindeer Chukchi described by Merk still existed in some places in the first quarter of the 19th century. 131
Another interesting detail of the structure of part of the yaranga, noted by K-Merk: “Double canopy - with the fur out and the fur in.” This type of canopy did not survive in later times.
Among the Chaun Chukchi reindeer herders, “the canopy had 2 1/2 arshins from floor to ceiling, 2 3/4 arshins from the threshold to the front, 4"/2 arshins between the side walls... The tent had 6 1/2 arshins in height from the base - niya and in a circumference of 22 arshins.” 132 This was the dwelling of a wealthy reindeer herder.
By the 40s and 50s. XIX century the individual family becomes the main economic unit of Chukotka society; Apparently, there was a complete isolation in everyday life. In this regard, collective housing has lost its significance.
Chukchi household utensils
Among the Chukchi, it is characterized by simplicity and a small number of objects. The clay lamp (lamp) provided heat and light. The cauldrons necessary for cooking food were made of clay mixed with sand. As Chukchi legends tell, clay and sand were mixed with the blood of hunted animals; for greater viscosity, dog hair was added to this mixture. The Chukchi, as Kuznetsky showed in 1756, “have canopies. . . fat pots, hollowed out of stone and made of clay like a bowl. And in the absence of the mentioned forest in all that land, they eat deer meat, fish, seals and other sea animals that they can catch, raw and frozen, and all sorts of soft roots from the ground, and although over time they cook their food in pots made of clay. . but even that is very rare.” 133
And at the end of the 18th century. The Chukchi still used earthenware. They collect young willow leaves and “cook them in a clay pot (yakukaneng). They get these pots, as well as wooden utensils, from America.” 134 It is unlikely that this statement of Merk is true in relation to all Chukchi. Most likely, clay and wooden utensils made by the Alaskan Eskimos were used by the Chukchi, who lived on the coast of the Bering Strait.
Captain Shishmarev, who visited the Gulf of Lawrence in 1821, noted: “In every yurt we saw boilers: copper, iron, cast iron and clay.”
Already at the first stages of their acquaintance with the Russians, the Chukchi highly appreciated the advantages of metal boilers over clay ones. And therefore, at every opportunity, they acquired them. A wooden kamena dish and several tin and earthenware cups and saucers complemented the modest set of dishes of the Chukchi family.
For a long time, some types of stone and bone tools were used in Chukchi households. Kiber wrote: “The Chukchi used to be content with stone axes; the poor still have them; sharp flint served them as a knife, and a fish bone as a needle.” 136
A stone hammer and anvil (slab) were also used for crushing deer bones, crushing frozen meat and pieces of fat, stone scrapers for tanning leather, bone shovels and hoes for digging up edible roots, etc. In the 17th and partly in the 18th centuries. The Chukchi produced fire by friction using a special bow projectile. The same projectile, armed with a stone tip or a splinter of bones, served as a drill.
As relations with the Russians became more streamlined, especially after the establishment of regular trade relations, the wooden projectile for making fire was everywhere replaced by steel flint. Instead of tinder, they used dry willow leaves. The Chukchi mined the sulfur needed to make fire themselves. From that time on, wooden flint became part of household shrines; it was used to make fire only in cases where fire was needed for sacrifices, etc.
Chukchi clothing
All types of Chukchi clothing were made from the hides and skins of deer and some marine mammals; they were durable and warm. Shoes and some men's outerwear (summer and sea hunting pants) were made from seal skins. Before the development of herding reindeer herding, especially in the 18th century, some of the sedentary Chukchi of the Bering Strait coast made clothing from the skins of seabirds (loons, puffins), eurasians (a type of gopher), seals, martens, etc. Skins of seals and They traded martens from the inhabitants of the American continent: “Offering iron products and beads and receiving in exchange parkas made of marten and mouse fur, wolf, lynx, wolverine, fox and otter skins.” 137
Some coastal Chukchi had outerwear “made from sea skins,” while others had “dog parkas.” 138 Throughout the 19th century. This type of Chukchi clothing disappeared almost completely and was replaced by clothing made from deer skins.
We find a very detailed description of Chukchi clothing in K. Merk: “Men’s clothing fits tightly to the body and provides excellent warmth. They usually resume it by winter. Pants that go down to the foot, called skopaNe (konagte. - I.V.), like the Americans, do not have ties, but are secured with a ribbon of tendons threaded around the top. A wide strip of cropped fluffy fur, different in color from the pants themselves, is sewn along the bottom, and a tendon ribbon is threaded through it.
As long as the time of year allows, they mostly wear pants made of sealskins, less often - tanned deerskin, and under them - pants made of other fur, most often mutton. At the beginning of winter and early spring, they wear outer trousers mostly made of white fur of deer legs (rapga), which better protects from wind and blizzards. In winter, they wear warmer outer trousers - from the skins of one-year-old deer, which they kill for this purpose no later than August . Sometimes they wear trousers made from the fur of wolf paws, from which the claws are left hanging. . . Short fur stockings (raga "ag 1) are made in the warm season from seal skins, with the fur inside: they do not allow moisture to pass through. In winter, stockings are worn from the fluffiest pieces of thick fur from deer thighs, less often from the fur of young deer (fawns).
In summer, they wear short boots made of seal skins, with fur inside, and also made of tanned deerskin, or waterproof boots made of tanned seal skins. They tie their boots under their outer trousers, and from below they tie them all around with straps made of white or red tanned sealskin. In addition, they wear high boots made of sealskin, sometimes knee-high, and sometimes up to the upper thighs. In winter, short boots made of deer fur are most often worn. Sometimes, although less often, knee-length boots are worn in the cold season. In both cases, the boots are decorated. The soles of the boots are usually made of walrus skins, with the fur on the inside. The soles of winter boots are sewn together from pieces of fur taken between the hooves of deer, hair out. Being tightly sewn, these boots keep your feet warm. Inside the boots (without which they do not warm at all) dry soft grass is placed, and sometimes a scraped fish bone.
The body is covered with two fur shirts. In the summer, both are made of used fur or deer fur; in the winter, the undershirt is the same. In autumn and early spring, the outer shirt is made from the short-haired fur of young deer. The winter shirt is made from the fur of one-year-old deer. These parkas have only a small round cutout on the chest at the top, reach down to the middle of the thighs and are tied with a leather belt fastened in front with bone fasteners. Along the hem and sleeves they are trimmed with dog or wolf fur, along the collar - mostly with dog fur, and sometimes with narrow strips of wolverine fur.
If the weather permits, in summer, as well as in autumn and spring, the head remains uncovered. In cool weather, they cover their heads with a headband like a wreath trimmed with wolf fur on the forehead, and sometimes with round earmuffs made of soft, red-dyed sealskin, warmly padded on the inside and embroidered on the outside with the bristles of male deer. Sometimes they use bleached dog necks for this purpose. In winter, a malakhai is often worn on the head: it is usually made from fawn skins, lined on the inside with the same skins and trimmed with dog or wolf fur. Sometimes the malakhai is made from the fur of deer legs; a round collar is sewn onto it to cover the back of the head; the rounded part of the collar is covered with jagged suede decorations. Some Chukchi, especially sedentary ones, wear a wide rectangular visor made of bird feathers arranged side by side on their foreheads in the summer. In addition, especially in winter, they cover their heads over the malachai with an outer cap (taagIa), the round ends of which fall over the shoulders, chest and back. These hats are made from thick reindeer skins and are tightened under the armpits with a belt loop to secure them firmly. They protect the bare neck from wind and bad weather, and since they are trimmed with wolf fur, they also protect the face. They are put on with the fur inside. Others, instead of a hat, wear a skin torn from the head of a wolf, leaving its muzzle, protruding ears and eye sockets intact; a narrow strip of deer fur is hung from behind to protect it from the wind.
In rain and damp fog, they wear raincoats with hoods over their clothes. Raincoats are sewn from oblong quadrangular small pieces of thin whale intestines, connected by a jagged transverse seam. The sleeves and collars are tied with sewn-in sinew ribbons, and at the bottom they are tightened with whalebone sewn in a circle along the hem. These raincoats are called raincoats. During prolonged rains, these raincoats begin to get wet, and therefore a second raincoat is put on under them, usually a woman’s one, called okog^eIt.
In summer, in windy, dry weather, and in winter, in storms and blizzards, they put on over their clothes a suede shirt (e(etaiSh-yas/gt), which has two circles with stringed beads sewn on the shoulders.
Men rarely wear wide outer parkas made of short-haired deer skins in winter on long trips, although most have them. The Russians call them kukhlyankas, the reindeer Chukchi - utitschgin. Parkas can be single or double, in which case the second one is worn with the fur facing out.
Mittens (I I) are made from deer paws. They are spacious, long, go deep into the sleeves of the parka, are not lined with anything from the inside, and are worn with the fur outside. Despite their apparent lightness, they provide sufficient warmth and do not deteriorate due to sweaty hands. In addition, the Chukchi wear a bib made of sewn, slightly trimmed deer paws, which they put around the neck with the help of two fur belts sewn to the upper edge. One of them is fastened at the end with a button. This bib protects a hat or parka from the icy, moist fumes that form when breathing in cold weather. In winter, before entering the canopy, it is necessary to beat out the snow from your clothes every day with a deer antler hammer (tewitschgin), which you have to carry with you when moving from place to place.” 39
“Their clothes segseg (women - I.V.) are tight to the body and turn into wide bag-like trousers, tied below the knees. This clothing is worn from the bottom and to make putting it on easier, there is a cutout on the chest; there is a shorter cutout on the back. The sleeves are wide at the front and lined, like the necklines, with dog fur. This kind of clothing is worn in two layers: the lower one is made of lamb fur, and the upper one is made of the skins of deer killed in late autumn, with the fur facing out.
Among the sedentary Chukchi men and women, the lower part of the body up to the thighs is covered with short underpants, and the women also wear other trousers made of seal skins, with the fur facing out, with a dog fur trim sewn on the sides, reaching to the knees, where they remain open.
This is an imitation of clothing adopted in America. Boots (р1а-!гe1) reach to the knees, where they are tucked under the trousers and tied. In the warm season, boots are made from seal skins, in winter from deer paws, and fur stockings are worn under them. On top of this clothing they wear a spacious fur shirt with a hood that reaches to the knees; they wear it during festivals, when visiting, and in winter when hiking. On both sides of the neck at the back, they have a round neckline, which narrows and wedges out from the middle, and rounds at the front. They put it on with the fur on the inside, but the wealthy Chukchi wear another one, with the fur on the outside, on top of it, made from white-spotted short-haired deer skins. The trim is made of wolf fur, some have only around the hood, and along the hem there is white long-haired dog fur; black dog paws hang from the neck, touching the chest with their claws. Separate small pieces of wolf fur are sewn on the shoulders and along the back on both sides; suede straps with beads sewn here and there hang from some of them. For shirts worn with the wool facing out, these straps are replaced by tassels made of the wool of young seals, dyed black or red. The richer ones sport wide trims of wolf fur, and replace dog paws with wolverine paws.
Instead of the described outer parkas, old women wear simple long ones, and in winter they also wear a cape. They wear the same mittens and breastplate as men. In rainy weather, women wear ordinary raincoats, in addition, they also have raincoats made of white guts, which, however, serve more for decoration than for protection from the rain.” 140
In the 19th century clothing made of lamb fur (pants, women's overalls), trousers made of wolf skins, quadrangular wide visors, seated with a row of bird feathers, which were worn on the head, and some others, went out of use.
Fabric clothing begins to penetrate, albeit very slowly. However, this type of clothing has not become widespread. According to eyewitnesses of the 18th-19th centuries, the clothes and shoes of the Chukchi
very practical and fully adapted to harsh climate conditions, production and living conditions.
From the collection “History and Culture of the Chukchi. Historical and ethnographicessays”, under the general editorship of corresponding member. USSR Academy of Sciences A. I. Krushanova, L., 1987
Notes
1 Monuments of Siberian history of the 18th century. Book 1 (1700-1713). St. Petersburg, 1882. P. 459,
2 TSGADA, f. 199, No. 528, vol. 1, tetr. 19, l. 31.
3 Ibid., l. 32.
4 There, tetr. 17, l. 5.
5 Right there.
6 Colonial policy of tsarism in Kamchatka and Chukotka in the 18th century: Sat. archive, materials. L., 1935. P. 159.
7 TSGADA, f. 199, No. 528, vol. 2, tetr. 7, l. 46.
8 LO AAN USSR, f. 3, op. 10, l. 137, tetr. 6.
9 TSGADA, f. 199, No. 528, vol. 2, tetr. 9, l. 49.
10 TsGAVMF USSR, Cases of Count Chernyshev, 414, l. 360.
11 Wrangel F.P. Travel along the northern shores of Siberia and the Arctic Sea. 1820-1824. M., 1948. P. 179.
12 Notes published by the State Admiralty Department. St. Petersburg, 1827. Part 13. P. 197.
13 Argentov L. Travel notes of missionary priest A. Argentov in the polar region // ZSORGO. 1857. Book. 4. P. 97.
u Serebrennikov I.I. Foreigners of Eastern Siberia // IVSORGO (Ir-kutsk), 1914. T. 43. P. 166.
15 Bogoraz V. G. Brief report on the study of the Chukchi of the Kolyma region. Irkutsk, 1899. P. 6.
16 Bogoras W. The Chukchee. 1. Ma-terial culture. New York, 1904. P. 26-27.
17 Maydel G. Travel through the North-Eastern part of the Yakut region in 1868-1870. St. Petersburg, 1894. T. 1. P. 5, 120, 213, 214, 271, 507; Dyach-kov G. Anadyr region. Vladi-vostok, 1893. P. 40; Gondatti N. L. Composition of the population of the Anadyr district // ZPORG "O, 1897. T. 3, issue 1. P. 166-178; Bogoraz V. G. Chukchi. L., 1934, Part 1. C 12-17; Patkshov S. Statistical data showing the tribal composition of the population of Siberia, language and clans of foreigners. St. Petersburg, 1912. T. 1. P. 118-122.
18 Gondatti N. L. Anadyr essays. Information about settlements in Anadyr. Khabarovsk, 1897; TsGA DV RSFSR, f. 702, op. 3, building No. 414, l. AND.
19 Bogoraz V. G. Brief report. . . P. 6
20 Bogoraz V. G. Essays on the material life of the reindeer Chukchi, compiled on the basis of the collections of N. L. Gondatti. St. Petersburg, 1901. P. 37.
21 Kalinnikov N. F. Our extreme North-East. St. Petersburg, 1912. P. 163.
22 Solyarsky V.V. Modern law
military and cultural-economic status of foreigners of the Amur region. Materials on the study of the Amur region. Khabarovsk, 1916. Issue 26 P. 127. "
2.1 Yokhelson V.I. Essay on the fur industry and fur trade in the Kolyma district // Bulletin of SORGO (St. Petersburg), 1898 T. 10, department 3 P. 35, 127, 129.
24 Gondatti N. L. Anadyr essays. .. P. 71.
25 TsGA DV RSFSR, f. 702, op. 1, d. 259, l. 35.
26 Ibid., op. 3, d 160, l. 28.
27 Ibid., d. 563, l. 147.
28 Ibid., f. 702, op. 1, d. 682, l. 13.
29 Buturlin S.A. Report of the authorized representative of the Ministry of Internal Affairs for food supply in 1905 of the Kolyma and Okhotsk Territory. St. Petersburg, 1907. P. 47.
30 Ibid. P. 52.
31 Ibid. P. 71.
32 Ibid. P. 69.
33 Bogdanovich K. I. Essays on the Chukotka Peninsula. St. Petersburg, 1901. P. 35.
3.1 Gondatti N.L. Trip from the village. Markova on the river Anadyr to Provideniya Bay (Bering Strait) // ZPORGO. Khabarovsk, 1897. T. 4, issue. 1. P. 24.
son-in-law Solyarsky V.V. Ukal. Op. P. 17.
111 Bogdanovich K. I. Essays on the Chukotka Peninsula. P. 209.
37 TsGA DV RSFSR, f. 702, op. 1, d, 1401, l. 65.
18 Dyachkov G. Anadyr region. P. 51.
111 Bogoraz V. G. Chukchi. Part 1. P. 115.
4.1 TsGA DV RSFSR, f. 702, op. 1, d. 116, l. 104.
11 DAI, 1848. T. 3. Doc. 24.
42 Archive of the Champions League of the Institute of Economics of the USSR Academy of Sciences, coll. 3, op. 1, paragraph 2, p. 35.
43 Ibid. P. 36.
44 Wrangel F.P. Decree. Op. P. 308.
45 Lazarev A.P. Notes on the voyage of the sloop of war “Blagomarnenny” in the Bering Strait and around the world.
M., 1950. P. 303; Wrangel F.P. Decree. Op. P. 306; Kotzebue O.E. Travel around the world. M., 1948. P. 96; Litke F.P. Voyage around the world on the sloop of war “Senyavin”. M., 1948. P. 221; Argentov A. Description of the Nikolaevsky Chaun parish // ZSORGO. 1857. Book. 4. P. 100.
48 Bogoras W. The Chukchee. 1. P. 121.
47 Kalinnikov N. F. Decree. Op. P. 117.
48 TsGA DV RSFSR, f. 702, on. 1, d. 116, l. 68.
49 Kalinnikov N. F. Decree. Op. P. 115.
50 Kulikov M.I. The nature of economic (production) relations among the Chukchi at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries. // Sat. articles on the history of the Far East. M., 1958. P. 159.
61 Kalinnikov N. F. Decree. Op. P. 115.
52 Kulikov M.I. Decree. Op. P. 159.
53 TsGA DV RSFSR, f. 702, on. 1, d. 720, l. 10.
54 Gondatti N. L. Trip. . . P. 23.
55 Tulchinsky KN. From a trip to the Bering Strait. St. Petersburg, 1906. P. 30.
56 TsGA DV RSFSR, f. 702, op. 2, d. 206, l. 333.
57 Kalinnikov N. F. Decree. Op. pp. 138—139; Bogoraz V. G. Chukchi. Part 1. P. 157.
59 Nordkvist O. Notes on the number and current situation of the Chukchi living along the shores of the Arctic Ocean // IRGO. 1880. T. 16. S. YuZ-104.
60 Resin A. A. Essay on foreigners of the Russian coast of the Pacific Ocean. St. Petersburg, 1888. P. 70.
81 Trade and industrial relations of the coastal outskirts of Eastern Siberia with foreigners (according to the Russian Consul General in San Francisco A.E. Olorovsky) // Government Bulletin. 1890. No. 255.
62 Kirillov N.V. Alaska and its relationship to the Chukotka Peninsula. St. Petersburg, 1912. pp. 14-15.
63 TsGA DV RSFSR, f. 702, op. 2, d. 347, l. 579.
1.4 Solyarsky V.V. Decree. Op. P. 124.
65 Unterberger P. F. Amur region 1906-1910. St. Petersburg, 1912. S. 281 - 282
66 TsGA DV RSFSR, f. 702, op. 2, d. 229, l. 278.
67 Solyarsky V.V. Decree. Op. P. 124.
("8 Archive of the Champions League of the Institute of Economics of the USSR Academy of Sciences, col. 3,
on. 1, paragraph 2, p. 37.
60 Right there. P. 107.
70 Litke F.P. Decree. Op. P. 223.
71 Argentov A. Travel notes of missionary priest A. Argentov in the polar region. P. 98.
72 Kalinnikov N. F. Decree. Op. P. 133
73 Solyarsky V.V., Decree. Op. P. 129.
74 Olsufiev A.V. General outline of the Anadyr district, its economic condition and the way of life of the population. St. Petersburg, 1896. P. 129.
75 Kalinnikov N. F. Decree. Op. P. 130.
7b TsGA DV RSFSR, f. 702, op. 1,
d. 651, l. thirty.
77 Kalinnikov N. F. Decree. Op. P. 131.
78 Argentov A, Description of the Nicholas Chaun parish, p. 99.
74 Ibid. pp. 99-100.
80 Kalinnikov N. F. Decree. Op. P. 148.
81 Gondatti N. L. Trip. .. P. 14, 23.
82 Tulchinsky K.N. Decree op. P. 30.
83 Kalinnikov N. F. Decree. Op. P. 92.
84 Solyarsky V.V. Decree. Op. P. 128.
85 Kalinnikov N. F., Decree. Op. P. 123.
86 Right there. P. 124.
87 Ivanov S.V. Chukchi-Eskimo engraving on bone //SE. 1949. No. 4. P. 107-124.
88 TsGA DV RSFSR, f. 702, op. 6, d. 6, l. 55.
89 Ovodenko S.D. Report on a trip to the Chukotka Peninsula and the mouth of the Anadyr River in June-August 1911 // Mining Journal. 1913. T. 3. July. S. 6.
90 Antropova V.V. Questions military organization and military affairs among the peoples of the Far North-East of Siberia//Sib. ethnographer, collection M.; L., 1957. II. pp. 186-225.
41 TsGADA, f. 199, No. 528, t 2, tetra 3, l. 11 rev.
92 Archive of the Champions League of the Institute of Economics of the USSR Academy of Sciences, coll. 3, op. 1, paragraph 2, p. 81.
93 TSGADA, f. 199, No. 528, vol. 2, tetr. 3, l. 11 rev.
94 Archive of the Champions League of the Institute of Economics of the USSR Academy of Sciences, coll. 3, op. 1, paragraph 2, p. 32.
95 TSGADA, f. 199, No. 528, vol. 1, tetr. 17, l. 4; Okladnikov A.P. On the history of ethnographic study of Yakutia: Collection of articles. materials on the ethnography of the Yakuts. Yakutsk, 1948. P. 35-36.
96 Archive of the Champions League of the Institute of Economics of the USSR Academy of Sciences, coll. 3, op. 1, paragraph 2, p. 32-34.
97 LOII AN USSR. Collection of Vorontsovs. Book 950: Materials for Russian history. T. 2. L. 585.
98 Colonial policy of tsarism in Kamchatka. . . P. 183
|)!1 Russian sailors in the Arctic and Pacific oceans. M.; L., 1952. P. 269.
100 Works and translations serving for benefit and amusement. St. Petersburg, 1758. January. P. 203; The flourishing state of the All-Russian state... M., 1831. Book. 2. P. 99; Miller G. Description sea travel along the Arctic and along the Eastern Sea, carried out from the Russian side; Works and translations. . . St. Petersburg, 1758. Part 1. P. 199.
11)1 Cook D. Journey to the North Pacific Ocean. .. on the ships “Resolution” and “Discovery” during 1776-1780. St. Petersburg, 1810. Part 2. P. 188,
|og Information about the Chukchi captain Shishmarev // Zap. Hydrographer, Department of the Maritime Ministry (St. Petersburg). 1852. T. 10. P. 183.
103 Right there.
104 Journey to the Southern Ocean and the Bering Strait. . undertaken in 1815, 1816, 1817 and 1818 on the ship "Rurik" under the command of the fleet of Lieutenant Kotzebue. St. Petersburg, 1821. Part 1. P. 146.
105 Archive of the Champions League of the Institute of Economics of the USSR Academy of Sciences, coll. 3, op. 1, paragraph 2, p. 30-31.
100 Okladnikov A.P. On the history of the ethnographic study of Yakutia. P. 34.
107 Russian sailors. . . P. 269.
108 Archive of the Champions League of the Institute of Economics of the USSR Academy of Sciences, coll. 3, op. 1, paragraph 2, p. 37-38.
109 TSGADA, f. 199, No. 539, tetr. 13, l. 26.
Ratzel F. Ethnic Studies. 4th ed. St. Petersburg, 1895. T. I. P. 588.
111 Sarychev G. Travel of Billings through the Chukotka land from the Bering Strait to the Nizhne-Kolyma fort in 1791. St. Petersburg, 1811. P. 125.
112 Archive of the Champions League of the Institute of Economics of the USSR Academy of Sciences, coll. 3, op. 1, paragraph 2, p. 38-39.
111 Wrangel F. Decree. Op. pp. 339, 327.
114 Cyber. Extracts from daily notes containing information and observations collected in the swampy deserts of North-Eastern Siberia // Siberian Bulletin. 1824. Part 1. pp. 125-126.
115 Notes about the Chukchi // ZhMVD. 1835. Part 16. P. 359.
116 Argentov L. Description of the Nikolaevsky Chaun parish. P. 97,
117 Nordenskiöld A.E. Sailing on the Vega. L., 1936. T. 2, pp. 172, 308.
118 Sverdrup G. U. Sailing on the ship “Mod” in the waters of the Laptev and East Siberian seas. L., 1930
113 Kalinnikov N. F. Decree. Op. P. 156
1211 TsGA DV RSFSR, f. 702, op. 3, d. 563, l. 151,
121 Kalinnikov N. F. Decree. Op. P. 158.
IJ3 Ibid. P. 156.
123 Archive of the Champions League of the Institute of Economics of the USSR Academy of Sciences, coll. 3, op. 1, paragraph 2, p. 15-17; Cook D. Travel.., P. 188; Sarychev G. A. Traveling through the North-Eastern part of Siberia, the Arctic Sea and the Eastern Ocean. M., 1952. P. 237
124 TsGIA USSR, f. 1264, First Siberian Committee, op. 54, no. 2, l. 79.
125 Rudenko S.I. Ancient culture of the Bering Sea and the Eskimo problem. M.; L., 1947. S. 69, 108.
126 Archive of the Champions League of the Institute of Economics of the USSR Academy of Sciences, coll. 3, op. 1, paragraph 2, p. 14.
127 Ethnographic materials of the North-Eastern geographical expedition. 1785-1795. Magadan, 1978. P. 155.
128 Sarychev G. A. Traveling through the north-eastern part of Siberia. .. S. 237, 242, 249.
129 Lazarev A.P. Decree. Op. P. 302.
13.1 Wrangel F.P. Decree. Op. C, 311 —- 312.
131 Archive of the Champions League of the Institute of Economics of the USSR Academy of Sciences, coll. 3, op. 1, paragraph 2, p. 5-14; Translation from the handwritten work of the doctor of the Nizhne-Kolyma detachment of the Northern Kiber expedition from 1823 // Sib. lead. 1824. Part 2. P. 101.
1.12 Argentov A. Travel notes of the priest missionary A. Argentov in the polar region. P. 36.
13.1 Colonial policy of tsarism. .. P. 181-182.
134 Archive of the Champions League from the USSR Academy of Sciences, coll. 3, op. 1, paragraph 2, p. 50.
135 Information about the Chukchi captain Shishmarev. P. 181.
- i. u> Translation from the handwritten work of the doctor of the Lower Kolyma detachment of the Northern Kibera expedition from 1823 // Sib, news. 1824. Part 2. P. 121.
137 Archive of the Champions League of the Institute of Economics of the USSR Academy of Sciences, coll. 3, op. 1, paragraph 2, p. 42.
1 ln Central State Historical Archive of the USSR, f. First Siberian Committee, op. 54, no. 2, l. 79-80.
sh Archive of the Champions League of the Institute of Economics of the USSR Academy of Sciences, coll. 3, op. 1, paragraph 2, p. 17-23.
The Chukchi are the oldest inhabitants of Chukotka. Their ancestors settled here, probably at the turn of the 4th-3rd millennium BC. Since that time, the life of people in the region has proceeded in relatively constant natural and climatic conditions, in the same environment of flora and fauna. In this natural-geographical environment, the material and spiritual culture of the Chukchi, their mythology, worldview, and language were formed, racial characteristics developed and consolidated, and unique social relations, social norms, and the nature of their everyday life took shape. The sources of livelihood remained almost unchanged. Only a part of the Chukchi gradually began to combine land hunting with sea fishing; this happened, however, not earlier than the beginning of our era.
Chukchi together with Koryaks, Itelmens, Eskimos and Aleuts identified by anthropologists as a special Arctic race. At the same time, the Chukchi, Koryaks and Itelmens have more common features with each other than with the Eskimos. Anthropological studies in Chukotka showed the uniqueness of the Arctic race in comparison with the inland Mongoloids. A number of specific characteristics are found among the Chukchi and Eskimos: intense thermoregulation, high hemoglobin levels, and metabolism, which are characteristic of representatives of the Arctic race in general. Their formation took place in the extreme conditions of the Northeast (Alekseeva, Alekseev, 1973, pp. 6-7), and the preservation of the characteristics of the Arctic race could only be achieved as a result of isolation and a very long stay of its carriers in this region. Thus, anthropological data may well be linked with archaeological evidence of the appearance of man in the central regions of Chukotka in the 4th-3rd millennium BC. The Chukchi, Koryaks, Itelmens and Eskimos have a unique crow epic, known only in the region where these peoples settled. |
In myths, the raven acts either as a creator of the benefits that nature gives to people, or as an organizer of life. He is the creator of deer, other animals, rivers, mountains, he brought the sun to people, taught them to live in these natural conditions. Consequently, the combination of myths with their realities among the Chukchi took place in the Arctic natural environment.
Even in the myths about the creation of the stars, the earth and all living things, only Arctic flora and fauna appear. The astronomical ideas of the Chukotka aborigines are also in accordance with the above. The names of a number of constellations and individual stars are associated with the main life-sustaining activity - deer hunting. The star Capella from the constellation Auriga is a reindeer bull tied to the sleigh of a man riding two reindeer. Two stars located near the constellation Aquila are called "Doe and Calf". Polar Star - Unpenair(“Sticked stake star”). All the other stars walk around like deer on a leash. The Milky Way is a sandy river with islands, on one of which wild deer graze. It is quite obvious that the origins of these ideas are still in the same ancient activity - deer hunting.
As you know, the names of the months reflect the vital activities of people and the natural phenomena associated with them. The names of the months of the Chukchi calendar are associated with the life of wild deer in these latitudes, with its migration and biological characteristics. Hunting for wild deer and the corresponding way of life determined the content of all forms of social consciousness of the Chukchi, including religious. All religious activities of the Chukchi are associated with the decisive hunting seasons in the lives of hunters, during which people provided themselves with food supplies, materials for clothing, housing, and lighting.
The Chukchi, together with the Koryaks and Eskimos, unites and at the same time distinguishes from among all the Siberian peoples a unique art. Pantomime dances are known only among these peoples. Their content, techniques and means of plasticity, and voice accompaniments contain the same hunting observations of the behavior of deer and other animals. Particularly expressive are pantomime dances depicting the running of breathless deer. And this area of Chukchi culture reinforces their close, stable connection with the North, with the main source of existence. All of the above is consistent with materials from the most ancient sites of hunters Amguem, Anadyr, Anyue, confirms the autochthony of the Chukchi in the continental regions of Chukotka, the deep historical antiquity of the development of this territory by their ancestors, on which they emerged as an ethnic group, where their material and spiritual culture was formed.
The ethnic history of the Chukchi, due to the lack of earlier written sources, can be examined in relative detail only from the middle of the 17th century. Its main milestones are associated with the arrival of Russians in Chukotka. The appearance of Cossacks and industrialists here became decisive not only for their relations with the Chukchi. Through the prism of these relations, the entire history of interaction between the Chukchi and neighboring aboriginal peoples was built, which became the most important component of their new history.
Chukchi-Eskimo ethnic ties can be traced back to at least the 1st millennium AD. The degree of their depth is clearly expressed in their modern racial proximity. Sedentary Chukchi and Siberian Eskimos are typical representatives of the Bering Sea type of the Arctic race.
Contacts between the Chukchi and the Eskimos stimulated the intensive development of their economy and contributed to the transition of part of the population to sedentism and employment in marine hunting. This interaction took place with a clear quantitative predominance of the Chukchi. Under the pressure of continental hunters rushing to the shores of the seas, some of the Eskimos were forced out, some were assimilated and became part of the newcomers who settled in the places inhabited by the Eskimos. The validity of this consideration is confirmed by the fact that many coastal Chukchi villages are based on Eskimo names.
The mutual influence of the Chukchi and Eskimos is reflected in the language. A significant part of the terms associated with sea hunting are of Eskimo origin in the Chukchi language, and the terms reflecting reindeer husbandry and reindeer herding life in the language of the Siberian Eskimos are of Chukchi origin. The oral folk art of the Eskimos contains many fairy tales and legends depicting the life of reindeer herders. These stories came to them from the Chukchi. In turn, Eskimo stories entered the Chukchi folklore fund.
The Chukchi influence on the worldview and religious ideas of the Siberian Eskimos turned out to be significant. It appears especially clearly in holidays associated with reindeer herding. The Eskimos, like the Chukchi, celebrated the festival of the horns of Kilway. In turn, all the main holidays of the coastal Chukchi correspond to and are carried out similarly to the holidays of the Siberian Eskimos: autumn sacrifices to the sea to gain good luck in the upcoming fishery, the main annual holiday dedicated to Keretkunu, holiday of launching kayaks; Feast of "Heads", Feast of the Whale.
The material objects used as amulets and guardians are the same among the Chukchi and Siberian Eskimos. The tambourines of the Chukchi and Eskimos are identical in design, shape and size and differ sharply from the tambourines of other Siberian peoples. Anointing as a means of protection against infectious diseases was used by both. The tattoos of Chukchi and Eskimo women were the same in terms of design shapes and methods of application. There are many similarities in pantomime dances and the accompanying nature of the music.
The most significant consequence of the Chukchi-Eskimo connections is the emergence of a social division of labor. It occurred on the basis of the contact of two hunting cultures - the land culture (Chukchi) and the culture of marine mammal hunters (Eskimos), which created favorable conditions for the development of exchange. The Eskimos needed reindeer hides and skins, the Chukchi needed blubber and the skins of sea animals.
By the time the Russians arrived in the Northeast, relations between the Chukchi and Asian Eskimos were peaceful. In Chukotka, local markets developed where coastal hunters met with reindeer herders. Such exchange points were known on the river. Kurupka, near Cape Schmidt, in Chaunskaya Bay and other places.
Relations with the Eskimos of Alaska developed differently. In documents from the beginning of the 18th century. Chukchi raids on Alaskan Eskimos, seizure of property, and captivity of women and children are noted. However, by the end of the 18th century, raids gave way to broad trade relations, in the development of which both sides were interested. A lively exchange took place across the Bering Strait. Kavralit - Chukchi traders - became regular suppliers of goods of Russian and Chukchi production to the American coast, from where they exported furs, wood and walrus tusks. Not only the coastal Eskimos, but also the inhabitants of the basins of the Pastola and Yukon rivers with their tributaries were involved in trade relations.
Chukotka-Koryak relations. The Chukchi and Koryaks are connected by a common origin, general features material and spiritual culture, common fundamentals of phonetics, grammar and vocabulary of their languages. Along with this, there are also differences that developed over a long period of time and ultimately led to their ethnic and linguistic isolation. The Yukaghirs played a certain role in this process. Forced under pressure from the Tungus and Yakuts to move east (XIV-XV centuries), they penetrated. To the valley of Anadyr. The Yukagir wedge separated the Koryaks from the Chukchi. The historical vicissitudes of subsequent centuries contributed to the further formation of features that distinguish the Chukchi from the Koryak.
The first information about Chukchi-Koryak relations appears at the beginning of the 18th century. Spread of Russians. and Yukaghirs in Anadyr, their seizure of hunting grounds at wild reindeer crossings confronted the Chukchi with the need to look for a way out of the economic crisis. Beginning in 1720, for almost sixty years, the Chukchi persecuted the reindeer Koryaks with exceptional tenacity. About 50 cases of attacks with the aim of seizing their property have been registered. In turn, the Koryaks undertook a series of campaigns in the Chukotka land in order to return property and prisoners.
In the relations between the Chukchi and the Koryaks, imbalance and inconsistency were observed. Even during periods of greatest aggravation of their relations, cases of reconciliation between separate groups of Chukchi and Koryaks were observed. However, these connections were often broken. Attacks on neighbors constituted an important link in the process of the Chukchi transition to new social relations.
Chukchi raids on yasak Koryaks caused concern among the Russian authorities. In order to protect the yasak Koryaks, it was decided to strengthen the garrison of the Anadyr fort; several military campaigns took place against the Chukchi, however, they did not bring success. Attacks by the Chukchi were repeated almost every year until there was a certain “saturation” of certain groups of Chukchi with deer, until, in fact, Chukotka herding reindeer herding took shape. After the liquidation of the Anadyr fort, there were practically no obstacles left to the penetration of the Chukchi to the south of Anadyr. The Chukchi settled in Anadyr and south of it, but no longer as wild deer hunters, but as reindeer herders, owners of large herds.
In 1781, an agreement was reached between the Chukchi, who roamed near Anadyr, and the administration of the Gizhiginsk fortress that the Chukchi would not attack the Koryaks. The Chukchi, who themselves were looking for peaceful living conditions, complied with the agreement. Trade improved, mistrust and suspicion disappeared. Fairs organized by the Russians contributed to the establishment of good relations. By the middle of the 19th century. economic and cultural ties with them have strengthened. In places where reindeer herders came into contact, the boundaries that previously separated the Chukchi from the Koryak disappeared. The Chukchi penetrated far to the south, deep into Koryak territory.
Chukotka-Yukaghir relations. The Yukaghirs came into contact with the Chukchi no earlier than the 13th-14th centuries. Having populated the river The Kolyma and its right tributaries, they separated the Chukchi in its lower reaches, seized significant hunting grounds in the Anadyr basin. IN different periods Chukchi-Yukaghir relations developed in different ways. The appearance of Russians in the Northeast was not perceived equally by individual groups of Yukaghirs. Some of them, weakened by inter-tribal and inter-clan clashes, sought patronage and protection from the Russians, assisted them in the development of new areas, and were careful yasak payers. Others, on the contrary, opposed the advance of the Russians, refused to pay tribute, and persecuted the Yukaghirs receiving tribute. Similar inconsistency was characteristic of Chukchi-Yukaghir relations.
In the second half of the 17th and first half of the 18th centuries. The Yukaghirs were very weakened. Raids by neighbors, intra-tribal discord, and smallpox epidemics devastated their camps. Not a single people of the Northeast was subjected to such a united attack by its neighbors as the Yukaghirs. In 1678 The Alazeya yasak Yukaghirs asked the Yakut governor Foma Bibikov to send servicemen to them to protect them from the “non-peaceful and non-yasak Chukchi”. Relations between the Chukchi and Yukagirs in Anadyr were also unstable. Frequent attacks by the Chukchi on the Yukagirs are known.
With the annexation of Kamchatka, Anadyrsk became a hub in which a large number of service people were concentrated. Since practically no food was brought here, the Russians’ food depended on fishing and wild deer. All places where deer cross the river. Anadyr was used by residents of the Anadyr fort. This also served as one of the reasons for the deterioration of Chukchi-Yukaghir relations. However, as in Kolyma, in Anadyr the Chukchi persecuted primarily the yasak Yukaghirs. In 1685, the yasak collector of the Anadyr prison Vasily Tarasov wrote to Yakutsk: " Those foreigners pay yasak and those who pay the yasak say: ask us for yasak, but you don’t defend the Koryak and Chukhoch from the non-yasak people, those Koryaks and Chukhchi of many of their springs in the sable fisheries beat their wives and children and their springs to the full and rob the deer"(PFA RAS. F. 21. Op. 4. Book 32. l. 124). By the middle of the 18th century, the persecution of the Yukaghirs became brutal. As a result of a devastating attack in 1756, the Chukchi captured 120 Yukaghirs and captured all of them property.
Despite frequent conflicts, there were other forms of relations between the Chukchi and Yukagirs. The Yukaghirs were intermediaries in trade between the Chukchi and Russians. Through them, the Chukchi communicated with the Okhotsk coast and Yakutia. After the liquidation of the Anadyr fort, all local and newcomer populations were taken to Nizhnekolymsk and Gizhiginsk; there were no Yukaghirs left in Anadyr. However, from the end of the 18th century. Aliens from Kolyma and Gizhiga began to populate Anadyr again. By the middle of the 19th century. Several villages arose (Markovo, Ust-Belaya, Eropol, etc.) with a settled population that traced its origins to the Yukagirs, Chuvans, Khodyns, and Russians. Business relations were established between the Chukchi and the settled residents of Anadyr, and trade began to develop. The local settled population delivered goods from Gizhiga merchants to Anadyr, and handicraft production of items needed in the household and everyday life of Chukchi reindeer herders arose.
In Kolyma and to the east of it at the end of the 18th century. Chukchi attacks on Yukaghirs also stopped. With the founding of the Anyui Fair, a lively exchange began between the Chukchi and the indigenous population of the Kolyma region. In the places of closest contact between the Chukchi and the Yukagirs, an intensive process of assimilation of the Yukagirs took place. Already in the middle of the 19th century. there was a significant number of mixed marriages between the Chukchi and the Yukaghir.
The relationship between the Chukchi and the Russians was no less contradictory. Attempts to force the Chukchi to pay yasak were repeated, but with little success. Several campaigns against the Kolyma Chukchi in the second half of the 12th century. did not bring results; moreover, the Chukchi themselves took active action. Until the end of the 80s of the XVIII century. They repeatedly besieged the Nizhnekolyma yasak winter hut, attacked service people, forcing them to live “locked up.”
The position of the Russians in Anadyr was also difficult. In the mid-1670s, there were only 16 servicemen, one clerk and 12 Yukaghir amanats. Only at the end of the 80s of the XVIII century. Some revival begins in the Anadyr prison. Trade and industrial people appear, the number of servicemen increases, the advance of Russians into Kamchatka intensifies, the desire to subjugate the Chukchi and impose tribute on them grows.
The growth of the population of the Anadyr fort exacerbated the food problem; the Cossacks were forced to hunt wild deer where the Chukchi hunted them. On this basis, as already mentioned, clashes between the Chukchi and the Russians and their Yukaghir allies became more frequent. These circumstances prompted the Siberian administration to take decisive action against the Chukchi. Several military campaigns took place against the Chukchi under the leadership of A. Shestakov. Pavlutsky. They did not bring tangible results, and the leaders of these campaigns themselves died.
As the military confrontation between the Chukchi and the Koryaks and Yukagirs, whom the Russians were obliged to protect as Russian subjects, faded away, peaceful relations between the Chukchi and the Russians began to improve. The pacification of the Chukchi was greatly influenced by their need for Russian-made goods. With the liquidation of the Anadyr fort (1771), the Anyui fair became the main center connecting the Chukchi with the Russians, which marked the beginning of regular trade.
Going towards rapprochement with the Chukchi, the Siberian administration sought support among the Chukchi Qavralyt traders, who were also most interested in peaceful relations with the Russians. They were given the ranks of toyons and elders, given personalized seals, and awarded medals and daggers. In response, Chukchi traders and toyons unconditionally contributed yasak. As for the bulk of the Chukchi, it was never possible to oblige them to pay yasak. In exchange for furs, they demanded gifts equivalent to its value. The established practice of exchange was legalized in " Charter on the management of foreigners", adopted in 1822. The Chukchi had to pay yasak at their discretion; they were not subject to the civil and criminal laws of the Russian state. The government only monitored the state borders in the territory of the Chukchi settlement and regulated trade with them.
Increasingly common in the 19th century. Incidents of foreign ships infiltrating Russian waters in the North Pacific and an increase in poaching and smuggling have prompted the government to pay more attention to Chukotka. The protection of territorial waters by Russian military courts began, and in 1888 a decision was made to form the Anadyr district administration. The military governor of the Primorsky region determined the main task of the first “chief of Chukotka” L.F. Grinevetsky: " You should strive to make the Chukchi aware of their belonging to the Russian Empire and try to explain them not so much for the profits of the state treasury, but for the sake of the fact that paying yasak proves that a foreigner recognizes a certain government power over himself"(RGIA DV. F. 702. Op. 2. D. 414. L. 71).
The creation of an administrative apparatus in Chukotka did not, however, lead to any serious change in the situation. The Russian administration continued to rely on local authorities in the person of elders from among the merchants and rich Chukchi, whose influence practically did not spread beyond the boundaries of their camps and immediate neighbors. According to V.V. Solyarsky, the administrative imposition of control among the Chukchi turned out to be ineffective (Solyarsky, 1916, p. 49). Legal status of the Chukchi at the beginning of the twentieth century. remained the same as it was defined in the Charter of 1822. They were considered dependent on the Russian state, but not its subjects. They were governed according to their own customs. They did not bear any duties and were not subject to any fees. Yasak was donated voluntarily only at fairs, for which they received gifts. The activities of the Chukotka spiritual mission, created in 1879, did not bring tangible results either. The propaganda of Orthodoxy gave rise only to a kind of syncretism of traditional beliefs and Christianity with a predominance of primordial ideas and cults.
The weak involvement of the Chukchi in the administrative and political system of the Russian state did not prevent them from recognizing themselves as people of this state. As transport links with Chukotka were established, Russian trade and contacts with the Russian population expanded, the isolation of individual Chukchi groups and the stagnant nature of their life and culture disappeared, they were increasingly drawn into the general mainstream of the development of the Russian state.
I.S. Vdovin
from the book Peoples of North-East Siberia
| Chukchi |
|---|
Education
Schoolchildren can easily answer the question “Where do the Chukchi live?” In the Far East there is Chukotka or the Chukotka Autonomous Okrug. But if we complicate the question a little: “Where do the Chukchi and Eskimos live?”, difficulties arise. There is no region of the same name; we need to find a more serious approach and understand the national intricacies.
Are there any differences between the Chukchi, Eskimos and Koryaks?
Of course there is. These are all different nationalities, once tribes, having common roots and inhabiting similar territories.
The regions in Russia where the Chukchi or Luoravetlans live are concentrated in the north. These are the Republic of Sakha, Koryak Autonomous Okrug and Chukotka Autonomous Okrug. Since ancient times, their tribes inhabited the extreme regions of Eastern Siberia. At first they were nomadic, but after the reindeer were tamed, they began to adapt a little to a sedentary lifestyle. They speak the Chukchi language, which has several dialects. The Luoravetlans or Chukchi (self-name) divided themselves into sea hunters living on the coast of the Arctic Ocean, and reindeer hunters of the tundra.
Some anthropologists classify the Eskimos as a Mongoloid race of Arctic origin. This nation lives in the state of Alaska (USA), in the northern regions of Canada, on the island of Greenland (Denmark) and quite a few (1,500 people) in Chukotka. In each country, Eskimos speak their own language: Greenlandic, Alaskan Inuit, and Canadian Eskimo. All of them are divided into different dialects.
Who are the Chukchi and Koryak? The Luoravetlans first pushed back the Eskimo tribes, and then separated territorially from the Koryaks. Today, the Koryaks (a common people with the Chukchi) constitute the indigenous population of the autonomous district of the same name in the Kamchatka region in Russia. In total there are about 7,000 people. The Koryak language belongs to the Chukchi-Kamchatka group. The first mentions of the Koryaks are found in documents of the 16th century. People are described, some of whom were engaged in reindeer herding, and others in marine fishing.
Appearance
Where do the Chukchi live and what do they look like? The answer to the first part of the question is formulated above. More recently, scientists have proven the genetic relationship of the Chukchi and Indians. Indeed, their appearance has a lot in common. The Chukchi belong to a mixed Mongoloid race. They are similar to the inhabitants of Mongolia, China, Korea, but are somewhat different.
The eye shape of Luoravetlan men is more horizontal than slanting. The cheekbones are not as wide as those of the Yakuts, and the skin color has a bronze tint. Women of this nationality are more similar in appearance to Mongoloids: wide cheekbones, wide noses with large nostrils. The hair color of both sexes is black. Men cut their hair short, women braid two braids and decorate them with beads. Married women wear bangs.
Luoravetlan winter clothes are two-layer, most often sewn from fawn fur. Summer clothing consists of capes or jackets made of deer suede.
Video on the topic
Character traits
Drawing psychological picture of this nationality, note the main feature - excessive nervous excitability. Luoravetlan are easily disturbed from a state of spiritual balance; they are very hot-tempered. Against this background, they have a tendency towards murder or suicide. For example, a relative can easily respond to the request of a seriously ill family member and kill him so that he does not suffer in agony. This nation is extremely independent and original. In any dispute or struggle they show unprecedented persistence.
At the same time, these people are very hospitable and good-natured, naive. They selflessly come to the aid of their neighbors and everyone in need. They take the concept of marital fidelity very lightly. Wives are rarely jealous of their husbands.
Living conditions
Where the Chukchi live (pictured below), there is a short polar summer, and the rest of the time is winter. To refer to the weather, residents use only two expressions: “there is weather” or “there is no weather.” This designation is an indicator of the hunt, that is, whether it will be successful or not. From time immemorial, the Chukchi have continued their fishing traditions. They love seal meat very much. A happy hunter catches three in one go, then his family with children (usually 5-6 of them) will be fed for several days.
Places for yarang families are most often chosen surrounded by hills so that there is more calmness. It is very cold inside, although the dwelling is lined length and breadth with skins. Usually there is a small fire in the middle, surrounded by round boulders. There is a hanging cauldron of food on it. The wife takes care of the housework, butchering carcasses, cooking, and salting meat. There are children near her. Together they collect plants in season. The husband is the breadwinner. This way of life has been preserved for many centuries.
Sometimes such indigenous families do not go to the villages for months. Some children don't even have a birth certificate. Parents then have to prove that this is their child.
Why is the Chukchi the hero of jokes?
There is an opinion that humorous stories Russians wrote about them out of fear and respect, a feeling of superiority over themselves. Since the 18th century, when Cossack troops moved across endless Siberia and met the Luoravetlan tribes, rumors began to circulate about a warlike nation that was very difficult to surpass in battle.
The Chukchi taught their sons fearlessness and dexterity from childhood, raising them in Spartan conditions. In the harsh terrain where the Chukchi live, the future hunter must be sensitive, be able to endure any discomfort, sleep standing up, and not be afraid of pain. The favorite national wrestling takes place on a slippery sealskin spread, with sharp claws sticking out along the perimeter.
Militant reindeer herders
The Koryak population, which before the Chukchi became part of the Russian Empire, fled from the battlefield if they saw at least several dozen Luoravetlans. Even in other countries there were tales about militant reindeer herders who are not afraid of arrows, dodge them, catch them and launch them at the enemy with their hands. Women and children who were captured killed themselves to avoid being enslaved.
In battle, the Chukchi were merciless, accurately killing the enemy with arrows, the tips of which were smeared with poison.
The government began to warn the Cossacks not to engage in battles with the Chukchi. At the next stage, they decided to bribe, persuade, and then solder the population (more so in Soviet times). And at the end of the 18th century. A fortress was built near the Angarka River. Fairs were periodically held near it to trade with reindeer herders in exchange. Luoravetlans were not allowed into their territory. Russian Cossacks have always been interested in where the Chukchi live and what they do.
Trade affairs
Reindeer herders paid tribute to the Russian Empire in the amount they could afford. Often she was not paid at all. With the beginning of peace negotiations and cooperation, the Russians brought syphilis to the Chukchi. They were now afraid of all representatives of the Caucasian race. For example, they did not have trade relations with the French and British simply because they were “white.”
Business ties were established with Japan, a neighboring country. The Chukchi live where it is impossible to extract metal ores in the depths of the earth. Therefore, they actively bought protective armor, armor, other military uniforms and equipment, and metal products from the Japanese.
The Luoravetlans exchanged furs and other extracted goods for tobacco with the Americans. The skins of blue fox, marten, and whalebone were highly valued.
Chukchi today
Most of the Luoravetlans mixed with other nationalities. There are almost no purebred Chukchi left now. The “ineradicable people,” as they are often called, assimilated. At the same time, they preserve their occupation, culture, and way of life.
Many scientists are confident that the small indigenous ethnic group is threatened not by extinction, but by the social abyss in which they find themselves. Many children cannot read and write and do not go to school. The standard of living of the Luoravetlans is far from civilization, and they do not strive for it. The Chukchi live in harsh natural conditions and do not like having their own rules imposed on them. But when they find frozen Russians in the snow, they bring them to the yaranga. They say that they then put the guest under the skin along with his naked wife so that she can warm him up.
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MINISTRY OF EDUCATION OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION
IRKUTSK STATE UNIVERSITY
HISTORY DEPARTMENT
DEPARTMENT OF ARCHEOLOGY, ETHNOLOGY AND HISTORY OF THE ANCIENT WORLD
Essay on ethnology
Traditional Chukchi culture
Irkutsk, 2007
Introduction
Ancestral homeland and resettlement of the Chukchi
Main activities
Social order
Life of the Chukchi
Beliefs and rituals
Conclusion
Introduction
Chukchi, (self-name, “real people”).
The population in the Russian Federation is 15.1 thousand people, the indigenous population of the Chukotka Autonomous Region. districts (11.9 thousand people). They also live in the north of the Koryak Autonomous Area. district (1.5 thousand people) and in the Lower Kolyma region of Yakutia (1.3 thousand people).
502: Bad Gateway
people) speak the Chukchi language.
The first mentions of the Chukchi, in Russian documents - from the 40s of the 17th century, divide them into "reindeer" and "foot". Reindeer herders roamed the tundra and on the coast of the Arctic Ocean between Alazeya and Kolyma, at Cape Shelagsky and further east to the Bering Strait.
The settlements of the “foot” Chukchi, sedentary sea hunters, were located together with the Eskimos between Cape Dezhnev and the Bay of the Cross and further south in the lower reaches of Anadyr and the Kanchalan River. The number of Chukchi at the end of the 17th century. was about 8-9 thousand people.
Contacts with the Russians initially remained mainly in the lower Kolyma. Attempts to impose tribute on the Lower Kolyma Chukchi and military campaigns against them in the mid-17th century did not bring results.
Due to military conflicts and the smallpox epidemic, the number of Lower Kolyma Chukchi decreased sharply, and the remainder migrated to the east. After the annexation of Kamchatka to Russia, the population of the Anadyr fort, founded in 1649, began to grow, which
Since the end of the 18th century, trade contacts between the Chukchi and the Russians intensified.
According to the “Charter on the Administration of Foreigners” of 1822, the Chukchi did not bear any duties; they contributed yasak voluntarily, receiving gifts for it. The established peaceful relations with the Russians, Koryaks and Yukagirs, and the development of herding reindeer herding, contributed to the further expansion of the Chukchi territory to the west.
By the 1830s, they had penetrated the river. Bolshaya Baranikha, by the 1850s - in the lower Kolyma, by the mid-1860s - in the area between the Kolyma and Indigirka rivers; to the south - the territory of the Koryaks, between Penzhina and Korfu Bay, where the Koryaks were partially assimilated.
In the east, the assimilation of the Chukchi - Eskimos - intensified. In the 1850s American whalers entered into trade with the coastal Chukchi. The expansion of the territory inhabited by the Chukchi was accompanied by the final identification of territorial groups: Kolyma, Anyui, or Malo-Anyu, Chaun, Omolon, Amguem, or Amguem-Vonkarem, Kolyuchino-Mechigmen, Onmylen (inner Chukchi), Tumansk, or Vilyunei, Olyutor, Bering Sea ( Sea Chukchi) and others. In 1897, the number of Chukchi was 11,751 people.
Since the end of the 19th century, due to the extermination of sea animals, the number of coastal Chukchi fell sharply, by 1926 it amounted to 30% of all Chukchi. Modern descendants of the coastal Chukchi live in the villages of Sirenki, Novo Chaplino, Providence, Nunligran, Enmelen, Yanrakynnot, Inchoun, Lorino, Lavrentiya, Neshkan, Uelen, Enurmino on the eastern coast of Chukotka.
In 1930, the Chukotka National District was formed (since 1977 - author.
district). The ethnic development of the Chukchi in the 20th century, especially during the period of consolidation of collective farms and the formation of state farms from the 2nd half of the 50s, was characterized by consolidation and overcoming the isolation of individual groups
Ancestral homeland and resettlement of the Chukchi
The Chukchi were divided into reindeer - tundra nomadic reindeer herders (self-name Chauchu - "reindeer man") and coastal - sedentary hunters of sea animals (self-name Ankalyn - "coastal"), living together with the Eskimos.
These groups were connected by kinship and natural exchange. Self-names based on place of residence or migration are common: uvelelyt - “Uelenians”, “chaalyt” - “Chukchi wandering along the Chaun River”. These self-names are preserved, even among residents of modern enlarged settlements. The names of smaller groups within the settlements: tapkaralyt - “living on the spit”, gynonralyt - “living in the center”, etc.
Among the Western Chukchi, the self-name Chugchit (probably from Chauchu) is common.
Initially, the coast was considered the ancestral home of the Chukchi Sea of Okhotsk, from where they moved north, assimilating part of the Yukaghirs and Eskimos. According to modern research, the ancestors of the Chukchi and related Koryaks lived in the inner regions of Chukotka.
Occupying the area inhabited by the Eskimos, the Chukchi partially assimilated them and borrowed many features of their culture (fat lamps, canopies, the design and shape of tambourines, fishing rituals and holidays, pantomime dances, etc.).
Long-term interaction with the Eskimos also affected the language and worldview of the indigenous Chukchi. As a result of contacts between land and sea hunting cultures, the Chukchi experienced an economic division of labor. Yukaghir elements also took part in the ethnogenesis of the Chukchi. Contacts with the Yukaghirs became relatively stable at the turn of the 13th-14th centuries, when the Yukaghirs, under the influence of the Evens, moved east to the Anadyr River basin.
Reindeer husbandry developed among the tundra Chukchi, apparently under the influence of the Koryaks, shortly before the appearance of the Russians.
Main activities
The main occupation of the tundra Chukchi was nomadic reindeer herding, which had a pronounced meat-hide character.
Sled reindeer were also used. The herds were comparatively large in size; the deer were poorly trained and grazed without the help of dogs. In winter, the herds were kept in places sheltered from the wind, migrating several times during the winter; in the summer, men went with the herd into the tundra, women, old people and children lived in camps along the banks of rivers or the sea.
The reindeer were not milked; sometimes the shepherds sucked the milk. Urine was used to lure deer. Deer were castrated by biting the sperm ducts.
The main occupation of the coastal Chukchi is hunting sea animals: in winter and spring - seals and seals, in summer and autumn - walruses and whales. They hunted seals alone, crawling up to them, camouflaging themselves and imitating the movements of the animal. The walrus was hunted in groups of several canoes. Traditional hunting weapons - a harpoon with a float, a spear, a belt net, from the 2nd floor.
19th century Firearms became widespread and hunting methods became simpler. Sometimes they shot seals at high speed from sleds.
Fishing, except for the basins of Anadyr, Kolyma and Sauna, was poorly developed. Men were engaged in fishing. Fish were caught with a net, a fishing rod, and nets. In summer - from a kayak, in winter - in an ice hole. Salmon was stored for future use.
Before the advent of firearms, wild deer and mountain sheep were hunted, which were subsequently almost completely exterminated.
Under the influence of trade with the Russians, the fur trade spread. To this day, bird hunting has been preserved using “bolas” - throwing weapons made of several ropes with weights that entangled a flying bird. Previously, when hunting birds, they also used darts with a throwing plank and noose-traps; eiders were beaten in the water with sticks. Women and children also collected edible plants.
To dig up roots, they used a tool with a tip made of horn, and later - iron.
Traditional crafts include fur dressing, weaving bags from fireweed and wild rye fibers for women, and bone processing for men. Developed artistic carving, and engraving on bone and walrus tusk, applique of fur and sealskin, embroidery with deer hair.
The Chukchi ornament is characterized by a small geometric pattern. In the 19th century, artisanal associations emerged on the east coast to produce carved walrus ivory items for sale. In the 20th century Thematic engraving on bone and walrus tusk developed (works by Vukvol, Vukvutagin, Gemauge, Halmo, Ichel, Ettugi, etc.).
The center of bone carving art was a workshop in the village of Uelen (established in 1931).
In the 2nd half. 19th century many Chukchi began to be hired on whaling schooners and gold mines.
Social order
For social order The Chukchi, at the beginning of contacts with the Russians, were characterized by the development of a patriarchal community into a neighboring one, the development of property, and differentiation.
Deer, dogs, houses and canoes were privately owned, while pastures and fishing grounds were communally owned. The main social unit of the tundra Ch. was a camp of 3-4 related families; Among the poor, camps could unite unrelated families; in the camps of large reindeer herders, their workers lived with their families.
Groups of 15-20 camps were connected by mutual assistance. Primorye Ch. united several families into a canoe community, headed by the owner of the canoe. Among the reindeer Ch. there were patrilineal kinship groups (warats) associated common customs(blood feud, transfer of ritual fire, common signs on the face during sacrifices, etc.).
Until the 18th century Patriarchal slavery was known. The family in the past was a large patriarchal one, to the end. 19th century - small patrilocal. According to the traditional wedding ceremony, the bride, accompanied by relatives, rode her reindeer to the groom. At the yaranga, a deer was slaughtered and with its blood the bride, the groom and their relatives were marked with the groom's family marks on their faces.
The child was usually given a name 2-3 weeks after birth. There were elements of group marriage ("variable marriage"), labor for the bride, and among the rich - polygamy. Many problems in reindeer Ch. arose with disproportion in the sex structure (there were fewer women than men).
Life of the Chukchi
The main dwelling of the Chukchi is a collapsible cylindrical-conical tent-yaranga made of reindeer skins for the tundra, and walrus for the coastal ones.
The vault rested on three poles in the center. Inside, the yaranga was partitioned with canopies in the form of large blind fur bags stretched on poles, illuminated and heated by a stone, clay or wooden fat lamp, on which food was also prepared.
They sat on skins, tree roots or deer antlers. Dogs were also kept in yarangas. The yaranga of the coastal Chukchi differed from the dwellings of the reindeer herders in the absence of a smoke hole. Until the end of the 19th century, the coastal Chukchi preserved a semi-dugout, borrowed from the Eskimos (valkaran - “house of whale jaws”) - on a frame made of whale bones, covered with turf and earth. In summer it was entered through a hole in the roof, in winter - through a long corridor.
The nomadic Chukchi camps consisted of 2-10 yarangas, stretched from east to west, the first from the west was the yaranga of the head of the community. The settlements of the coastal Chukchi numbered up to 20 or more yarangas, randomly scattered.
Chukchi
Chukchi or luoravetlany(self-name - ygyoravetet, oravetet) - a small indigenous people of the extreme northeast of Asia, scattered over a vast territory from the Bering Sea to the Indigirka River and from the Arctic Ocean to the Anadyr and Anyuya rivers.
The number according to the All-Russian Population Census of 2002 is 15,767 people, according to the All-Russian Population Census of 2010 - 15,908 people.
Number of Chukchi in Russia:
Number of Chukchi in Russia:
Their name, which the Russians, Yakuts and Evens call them, was adapted in the 17th century.
Russian explorers used the Chukchi word chauchu [ʧawʧəw] (rich in deer), by which name the Chukchi reindeer herders call themselves in contrast to the coastal Chukchi dog breeders - ankalyn (seaside, Pomors - from anki (sea)). Self-name - oravetӓеt (people, singular oravetғеtеn) or ғыгъоруватӓет [ɬəɣʔoráwətɬʔǝt] (real people, singular ԓыгъоруватӓ'ен [ɬəɣʔoráwətɬʔǝn] - in Russian translation luora vetlan).
The neighbors of the Chukchi are the Yukaghirs, Evens, Yakuts and Eskimos (on the shores of the Bering Strait). The Chukchi type is mixed, generally Mongoloid, but with some differences. Eyes with an oblique cut are less common than eyes with a horizontal cut; the width of the cheekbones is less than that of the Evenks; there are individuals with thick facial hair and wavy, almost curly hair on their heads; complexion with a bronze tint; body color is devoid of a yellowish tint.
The mixed type (Asian-American) is confirmed by some legends, myths and differences in the peculiarities of life of the reindeer and coastal Chukchi: the latter, for example, have an American-style dog harness.
The final solution to the question of ethnographic origin depends on a comparative study of the Chukchi language and the languages of nearby American peoples. One of the language experts, V. Bogoraz, found it closely related not only to the language of the Koryaks and Itelmens, but also to the language of the Eskimos. Until very recently, based on their language, the Chukchi were classified as Paleo-Asians, that is, a group of marginal peoples of Asia, whose languages stand completely apart from all other linguistic groups of the Asian continent, pushed out in very distant times from the middle of the continent to the northeastern outskirts.
Story
The modern ethnogenetic scheme allows us to evaluate the Chukchi as the aborigines of continental Chukotka. Their ancestors formed here at the turn of the 4th-3rd millennium BC. e. The basis of the culture of this population was hunting for wild deer, which existed here in fairly stable natural and climatic conditions until the end of the 17th - beginning of the 18th centuries. The Chukchi first encountered Russians back in the 17th century on the Alazeya River.
In 1644, the Cossack Mikhail Stadukhin, who was the first to bring news of them to Yakutsk, founded the Nizhnekolymsk fort. The Chukchi, who at that time were wandering both east and west of the Kolyma, after a bloody struggle finally left the left bank of the Kolyma, pushing back the Eskimo tribe of the Mamalls from the coast of the Arctic Ocean to the Bering Sea during their retreat.
Since then, for more than a hundred years, bloody clashes between Russians and Chukchi have not stopped, whose territory bordered on Russia along the Kolyma River in the west and Anadyr in the south, from the Amur region (for more details, see.
Who are the Chukchi really?
Russian-Chukchi Wars).
In 1770, after Shestakov’s unsuccessful campaign, the Anadyr fort, which served as the center of the Russian struggle against the Chukchi, was destroyed and its team was transferred to Nizhnekolymsk, after which the Chukchi became less hostile towards the Russians and gradually began to enter into trade relations with them. In 1775, on the Angarka River, a tributary of the Bolshoi Anyui, the Angarsk fortress was built, where, under the protection of the Cossacks, an annual fair for barter trade with the Chukchi took place.
The Chukchi treated all their neighbors extremely arrogantly and not a single people in their folklore, with the exception of the Russians and themselves, are called people. In the Chukchi myth about the creation of the world, the purpose of the Russians is considered to be the production of tea, tobacco, sugar, salt and iron, and the trade of all this with the Chukchi. But, for some unknown reason, the Russians despised their destiny and began to fight.
Since 1848, the fair was moved to the Anyui fortress (about 250 km from Nizhnekolymsk, on the banks of the Maly Anyui).
Until the first half of the 19th century, when European goods were delivered to the territory of the Chukchi by the only land route through Yakutsk, the Anyui Fair had a turnover of hundreds of thousands of rubles. The Chukchi brought for sale not only ordinary products of their own production (clothing made from reindeer furs, reindeer skins, live deer, seal skins, whalebone, polar bear skins), but also the most expensive furs (beavers, martens, black foxes, blue foxes) , which the so-called nose Chukchi exchanged for tobacco with the inhabitants of the shores of the Bering Sea and the northwestern coast of America.
With the advent of American whalers in the waters of the Bering Strait and the Arctic Ocean, as well as with the delivery of goods to Gizhiga by ships of the voluntary fleet (in the 1880s), the largest turnover of the Anyui Fair ceased, and by the end of the 19th century it began to serve only the needs of the local Kolyma trading, with a turnover of no more than 25 thousand.
Language and literature
By origin, the Chukchi language belongs to the Chukchi-Kamchatka group of Paleo-Asian languages. Closest relatives: Koryak, Kerek (disappeared at the end of the twentieth century), Alyutor, Itelmen, etc. Typologically, it belongs to the incorporating languages (a word-morpheme acquires a specific meaning only depending on its place in the sentence, and can be significantly deformed depending on the conjugation with other members of the sentence).
In the 1930s The Chukchi shepherd Teneville created an original ideographic writing (samples are kept in the Kunstkamera - Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography of the USSR Academy of Sciences), which, however, never came into widespread use. Since the 1930s The Chukchi use an alphabet based on the Cyrillic alphabet with the addition of a few letters. Chukotka literature is created mainly in Russian (Yu. S.
Rytkheu and others).
How do modern Chukchi live?
Aleutian
neighboring Chukchi and Eskimos
lives next to the Chukchi
member of the Chukchi and Eskimos
Alaskan Chukchi
northwest of the Chukchi and Koryaks
northwest of the Chukchi
compatriots of the Chukchi and Eskimos
neighbors Chukchi and Eskimov
neighboring Chukchi and Eskimos
neighboring Chukchi and Eskimos
live next to the Chukchi
(Chukotka.
house of whale jaws), living among the peoples of the Bering Sea shores (Eskim, Aleutsi, Chechchi): semi-skeleton with the skeleton of a large bone, covered with earth and a tent
the essence of the plague for the Chukchi
and the plague for the Chukchi and Tipe for the Indians
Chukchi profession
Chukki on a sleigh
Chukchi spirit - owner of sea animals
suitable neighbors for the Chukchi
southern neighbor Chukchi
between the Chukchi and Enixi
These words were also found using the following terms:
capital of the Chukchi
Possible answers to your crossword puzzle
Anadyr
Aleutian
ALEUTKA
ALEUTHES
joke
Valkarana
- Vancarania culture, ca.
The Wankarani culture existed north of Lake Poopo, now part of the Oruro Department of Bolivia, at an altitude of about 4,000 meters.
- (Chukchi Whale Jaw House), living among the peoples on the Bering Sea coast (Eskimos, Aleutians, Chechchi): semi-skeleton with a skeleton of large ossicles covered with earth and a tent
KERETKUN
- The spirit of the Chukchi is the owner of sea animals
KORNAKI
KORNACH
NANAITS
