Abstract of the origin of the peoples of the Urals. Indigenous peoples of the Southern Urals. Bashkir ethnic group

Located in the very center of Eurasia, the Ural Mountains have been a real crucible of migration flows throughout human history. During the era of the Great Migration of Peoples, this region was a kind of corridor along which various tribes roamed in search of better lands.

The ancient Aryans, Huns, Scythians, Khazars, Pechenegs and representatives of other nationalities, as scientists believe, came from the Urals, leaving their mark there. That is why the modern population of this region is so ethnically diverse.

Ancient arias

In 1987, on the territory of the Chelyabinsk region, participants of the Ural-Kazakh archaeological expedition discovered a fortified settlement built at the end of the 3rd - beginning of the 2nd millennium BC. This historical monument is called Arkaim. According to scientists, it was once a city of ancient Aryans, who subsequently migrated from the lands of the Southern Urals to the territory of modern Iran and India.

Archaeologists have discovered several monuments of the Arkaim type in the Chelyabinsk region, in the southeast of Bashkortostan, in the Orenburg region and in the north of Kazakhstan. All these settlements were built about 4 thousand years ago, in the Bronze Age. They belong to the so-called Sintashta culture, which arose during the Indo-European migration of the Aryans.

Arkaim was a well-fortified fortress city; it was protected by two circular walls. The inhabitants of the ancient settlement, according to anthropologists, belonged to the Caucasian race. They were engaged in agriculture and animal husbandry. There were pottery workshops in the city; local craftsmen made various metal products.

Some ethnographers consider the inhabitants of Arkaim to be the ancestors of the Slavs.

Scythians

Iranian-speaking tribes of nomadic pastoralists, who originated in Altai, more than once conquered the territory of the Urals during their migrations. Returning from a campaign in the Middle East, the warlike Scythians settled in this region in the 7th century BC. They had a huge influence on the development of local culture; almost everything - from livestock equipment to clothing - was borrowed by the inhabitants of the Ural steppes from the Scythians.

Weapons and horse harnesses, the first bronze mirrors, molded vessels and many other household items related to the Scythian culture are found by scientists in archaeological excavations in the Urals. Until the 4th century AD, representatives of this ancient people lived in this region, then they migrated to the south of Eastern Europe.

Sarmatians

The Sarmatians (Sauromatians) migrated to the Urals, according to scientists, from the lands of modern Mongolia. They coexisted with the Scythians, sometimes on friendly terms, sometimes in irreconcilable hostility. Many ethnographers call these tribes related in origin. The ancient historian Herodotus even believed that the Sarmatians descended from the marriages of Scythian youths with representatives of the warlike Amazon tribe.

Between 280-260 BC, the Sarmatians invaded the Urals from the Don steppes, but failed to completely enslave the local population. Long-term proximity led to the fact that the Sarmatians adopted many customs and traditions from the Scythians.

In 2007, near the village of Kichigino, Chelyabinsk region, archaeologists discovered amazing gold jewelry created by the Sarmatians. The burial of a noble woman included a diadem, various bracelets and beads, as well as a bronze vessel. Despite belonging to the Sarmatian culture, these products of ancient craftsmen are similar in manufacturing technology to the famous Scythian gold.

Later, the Sarmatians were driven out of the Urals to the west by the warlike Huns.

Huns

The first Turkic-speaking Xiongnu came from China to the Ural steppes in the 4th century AD. Here they mixed with the locals Ugric tribes- this is how the Huns appeared. They created a huge empire that stretched all the way to the German lands. It was the invasion of the Huns into Europe that gave impetus to the great migration of peoples. Thanks to them, the eastern Proto-Slavs freed themselves from the influence of the Goths and Iranian-speaking tribes.

During the time of the famous commander Attila, who ruled his people from 434 to 453, the Huns tried to capture not only Byzantium, but also the Roman Empire. After the death of Attila, the huge empire was destroyed by internecine strife, which was skillfully taken advantage of by numerous enemies, most of whom belonged to Germanic tribes.

Avars

In the 6th century, the Avars invaded the Urals from Asia. This people was a union of several tribes, the main part of which were Turkic-speaking. Although some researchers classify the Avars, rather, as Mongols. However, they also included the so-called Nirun clans, whose representatives belonged to the Caucasian race.

In the surviving chronicles of Ancient Rus', representatives of this people are called images. The Avars were nomadic pastoralists. They stayed briefly in the Ural steppes, moving to Europe. The Avar Khaganate was created between the Carpathians and the Danube, from where numerous raids were carried out on the lands of the Slavs, Germans, Bulgaria and Byzantium.

At the end of the 8th century, the Franks, as a result of a twenty-year war, defeated the Avars; subsequently, representatives of this people were assimilated by the Hungarians and Bulgarians.

Khazars

The next people who settled for some time in the Ural steppes were the Khazars. In the 7th century, they created a state whose lands extended far to the west, covering the Volga region, the Caucasus, the northern Black Sea region and part of the Crimean peninsula.

Initially, the Khazars were Turkic-speaking nomadic pastoralists, but sedentary life inevitably led to the development of agriculture and various crafts. Large cities arose in Khazaria, and trade began to develop. At the end of the 9th century, after the collapse of the state, movement along the Great Silk Road from China to Europe resumed in the Southern Urals. And merchants from the Rus tribe began to visit these lands to exchange goods with the local residents.

Pechenegs

In the X-XI centuries, the Ural steppes were flooded by the Pechenegs. Like the Avars, they were a union of nomadic tribes of Turkic, Finno-Ugric and Sarmatian origin. The Pechenegs were engaged in cattle breeding on the banks of the Yaik (Ural River) and in the lower reaches of the Volga.

Armed with bows, spears and sabers, the Pechenegs often carried out mounted raids on the Slavs and other neighboring tribes. Over time, some of the representatives of this people were assimilated by the Cumans, some mixed with Russians and Ukrainians, the rest became the ancestors of modern Gagauzes, moving to the territory of modern Moldova.

Cumans

Almost simultaneously with the Pechenegs, the Polovtsians migrated to the Urals. This Turkic-speaking people originated on the banks of the Irtysh. The Polovtsians are usually classified as Kipchak tribes, who are the ancestors of some of the present-day Bashkirs and Kazakhs.

Numerous stele-shaped stone sculptures, found by scientists on mounds and along the banks of the Ural rivers, were installed by the Polovtsians. It is believed that this people had a cult of ancestors. And the sculptures that marked the graves are a tribute to the memory of deceased relatives.

In the 11th century, the Cumans quickly captured new territories, as well as the south of Eastern Europe. They made frequent predatory raids on Rus'. In the 12th century, united Russian squads were already able to repel the invaders.

It is interesting that the enemy kings Tugarin Zmeevich and Bonyaka Sheludivy, known from Russian folk tales and legends, are real historical figures: Polovtsian khans Tugorkan and Bonyak, who ruled their tribes at the end of the 11th - beginning of the 12th centuries.

After the strengthening of Ancient Rus', realizing the futility of further raids, one part of the Polovtsy migrated beyond the Urals, the other part to Transcaucasia and Transnistria.

And in the 13th century, with the army of Khan Batu, representatives of many peoples conquered by the Mongols came to the Ural steppes. This region can well be called a real melting pot, where various Aryan, Turkic, Finno-Ugric, Mongolian, Scythian and Sarmatian tribes left their mark.

During the 18th century. The ethnic consolidation of the Komi-Permyaks, Udmurts, Bashkirs and other peoples who had inhabited the Urals since ancient times was completed. With all the originality of the material and spiritual culture of these peoples in the 18th century. they were involved in the all-Russian development process, the general patterns of which had a decisive influence on the socio-economic structure of the region as a whole and the individual peoples and ethnic groups inhabiting it. A multi-ethnic environment with a predominance of the Russian peasant population created favorable conditions for the processes of mutual influence and interpenetration in the economy and way of life of peoples. It should be emphasized that while the Russian people had a decisive influence on the material and spiritual culture of the Udmurts, Komi-Permyaks, Tatars, Bashkirs, Maris, etc., there was also a reverse process of influence of the indigenous population of the Urals on the Russians. Folk wisdom selected from the centuries-old experience accumulated by all ethnic groups everything that was most appropriate, corresponding to the natural, climatic and socio-economic conditions of management and made it the property of all residents of the region. This process led to the leveling of national differences, especially in such areas of economic activity as agriculture, animal husbandry, and non-agricultural trades. The economy of the peoples of the Urals gradually became involved in commodity-money relations. The catalyst for this process was the rapidly developing Ural industry. Territories of settlement of the main nationalities of the Urals in the 18th century. almost coincide with modern ones. By the end of the 17th century. Most of the Komi-Permyaks who lived in the upper reaches of the Kama and along the Vishera moved to the basin of the western tributaries of the Kama - Inva and Obva, as well as to the basin of the Spit and Yazva. By the end of the 18th century. the bulk of them lived in the Cherdynsky and Solikamsky districts of the Perm province. A small number of Komi-Permyaks also lived within the Glazov district of the Vyatka province. (in the upper reaches of the Kama River). According to the calculations of V.M. Kabuzan, the total number of the Komi-Permyak population by the 60s of the 18th century. amounted to 9 thousand people. In the area between the Vyatka and Kama rivers, the Udmurts settled in a compact mass. In the 18th century The process of consolidation of the northern and southern groups of Udmurts into a single nation was completed. Small groups of Udmurts lived in the Osinsky and Krasnoufimsky districts of the Perm province, in Bashkiria and the Orenburg province. (along the Tanyp and Bui rivers). In the first quarter of the 18th century. censuses recorded about 48 thousand Udmurts, and by the end of the 18th century. their number reached 125 thousand people of both sexes. In close proximity to the northern Udmurts along the left tributaries of the river. Cheptsy was also home to a small ethnic group of Besermyans. The number of Besermians at the end of the 18th century. did not exceed 3.3 thousand people. The Tatars settled in several groups within the Ural region. In the lower reaches of the river. Cheptsy in the vicinity of the village. Karina, a small group of Chepetsk, or Karin Tatars, was concentrated. At the end of the 17th and beginning of the 18th centuries. Some of the Chepetsk Tatars also mastered the middle course of the river. Varzi - a tributary of the Kama37. The number of Karin Tatars was about 13 thousand. More significant groups of Tatars settled within the Perm province, as well as in Bashkiria. By the end of the 18th century. About 11 thousand Tatars lived in the Sylvensko-Irensky river. The number of Mishars, servicemen and yasak Tatars in Bashkiria by the middle of the 18th century. reached 50 thousand. In the regions of the Urals and the Middle Urals, the III revision (1762) recorded about 23.5 thousand Mari. Over 38-40 thousand Mari by the end of the 18th century. settled in Bashkiria. About 38 thousand Mordovians and 36 thousand Chuvash lived here. All of them were part of the Teptyarobobyl population of Bashkiria. In the Northern Urals in the lower reaches of the river. Chusovaya, along its tributary Sylva, as well as along the rivers Vishera, Yaiva, Kosva and in the Trans-Ural region along the rivers Lozva, Tura, Mulgai, Tagil, Salda, small ethnic groups of Khanty and Mansi were scattered. According to the 1st revision (1719), there were 1.2 thousand Mansi; by the 3rd revision the number of Mansi reached 1.5 thousand people. The intensified process of Russification of the Khanty and Mansi, as well as their continued resettlement in the Trans-Urals, led to the fact that on the western slope of the Urals along the Chusovaya and Sylva rivers by the end of the 18th century, according to II. S. Popov, there were only about 150 Mansi of both sexes left. The most numerous among the indigenous peoples of the Urals were the Bashkirs. According to conservative estimates, by the end of the 18th century there were 184-186 thousand Bashkirs.

By the beginning of the 18th century. Bashkirs settled over a vast area from the river. Pka in the west to the river. Tobol in the east, from the river. Kama in the north to the river. Ural in the south. The territory inhabited by the Bashkirs by the middle of the 18th century. was part of the Ufa and Iset provinces, subdividing. in turn, onto four roads: I forge Aspen. Kazan, Siberian and Nogai. In 1755-1750 in Bashkiria there were 42 volosts and 131 tubes. In 1782, Bashkiria was divided into counties. One of the most important shifts that occurred in the economic structure of the Bashkirs in the 18th century was the widespread and final transition from nomadic cattle breeding to semi-nomadic, which was completed by the first thirds of the XVIII c.. At the same time, agriculture was intensively spreading in Bashkiria. In the northern and northwestern parts of Bashkiria, the Bashkirs lived sedentary lives, engaged in agriculture and animal husbandry. This area by the middle of the 18th century. produced agricultural products in quantities quite sufficient for their consumption and sale. To a large extent, these changes occurred under the influence of the newcomer Russian and non-Russian population. In the center of Bashkiria, agriculture also gradually acquired a dominant position, although it was combined with semi-nomadic cattle breeding and traditional forestry. A mixed pastoral-agricultural type of economy also developed among the Bashkirs in the northeastern and southwestern parts of the region. In eastern and southern Bashkiria, as well as in Trans-Ural Bashkiria, the main occupations of the indigenous population remained semi-nomadic cattle breeding, hunting and beekeeping. Especially large number The Bashkirs of the Iset province had cattle. At the end of the 18th century. the wealthy had from 100 to 200 and even up to 2 thousand horses, from 50 to 100 heads of cattle. Bashkirs of average income kept from 20 to 40 heads of cattle, poor ones - from 10 to 20 horses, from 3 to 15 heads of cattle. The cattle were mainly kept on pasture - tebenevka. By the end of the 18th century. As a result of socio-economic processes within Bashkir society, the number of livestock begins to decline; even in this part of Bashkiria, new centers of agriculture with a settled population appear. Bashkir agriculture developed based on the use of agricultural achievements of the Russian and non-Russian agricultural peoples of the Urals and Volga region. Farming systems were varied: three-field farming was combined with fallow land, and in forest areas with elements of cutting. To cultivate the deposits, the Tatar saban was used; on softer soils, plow and roe deer were used. Other agricultural implements were the same. The Bashkirs sowed barley, millet, oats, hemp, and later wheat and winter rye. The highest yields were obtained by the Bashkirs of the Osinsk road (sam-10 for rye and oats, sam-9 for wheat and peas, sam-4 for barley and sam-3 for spelled). The size of the Bashkirs' crops was relatively small - from 1 to 8 dessiatines. to the courtyard, among the feudal-patriarchal elite - significantly larger. Agriculture in Bashkiria developed so successfully that at the end of the 18th century. provided the non-agricultural population of the region with bread, and part of the harvest was exported beyond its borders. Economy of the Bashkirs in the 18th century. continued to retain a predominantly natural character. Commodity-money relations in the region revived with the construction of Orenburg and the Trinity Fortress (in which trade with Central Asian merchants was concentrated), with an increase in the number of Russian and Tatar merchants. The Bashkirs brought livestock, furs, honey, hops, and occasionally bread to these markets. It was mainly the feudal-patriarchal elite of Bashkir society who were involved in trade. Deepening social differentiation in Bashkiria in the 18th century. contributed to the resettlement here of non-Russian peoples of the Volga and Urals regions, the so-called henchmen. The attendants consisted of bobyls and teptyars (from Persian, defter - list). Bobyls settled on Bashkir lands without permission and used the land without payment. The Teptyars settled on the basis of written agreements, which stipulated the conditions for using the land and the amount of payment. Thus, the Teptyars were subjected to double exploitation: by the feudal state and by the feudal lords of the Bashkir communities, who appropriated the quitrent paid to the communities. With the increase in the proportion of the newcomer population, the number of which by the 90s, even compared to the first third of the 18th century. increased by 6.6 times and reached 577.3 thousand people, they intensively penetrated into Bashkiria feudal relations, characteristic of Central Russia. In the 40-90s, the number of landowners and owners of mining factories increased 13 times. They owned 17.1% of all land in the region, they exploited 57.4 thousand souls. the sexes of serfs and peasants assigned to factories. The feudal elite of Bashkir society was represented by tarkhans, who were at the top of the social ladder, elders, centurions, as well as the Muslim clergy - ahuns, mullamps. The most prosperous yasak Bashkirs, the bai, also joined the feudal stratum. The bulk of the direct producers were ordinary community members, among whom in the 18th century. property and social inequality. Communal ownership of land, which dominated in Bashkiria, was only an external form that covered the property of large patrimonial feudal lords. The feudal lords, who owned the bulk of the livestock, actually controlled all the land of the community. With the development of commodity-money relations, usury and debt enslavement of ordinary community members - tusnachestvo - became widespread. Elements of patriarchal slavery also persisted. The feudal stratum also used ancestral remnants for its enrichment (help during the harvest, saunas - giving away part of the livestock for food, etc.). From the second third of the 18th century. Tsarism gradually limited the rights of the Bashkir feudal elite. According to the decree of February 11, 1736, the number of akhons in the territory of Bashkiria was reduced, and the hereditary power of elders was replaced by elective power. The dominant position in the economy of the Udmurts, Komi-Permyaks, Tatars, Mari, Chuvash and Mordovians in the 18th century. Agriculture took a strong hold. The interstitial settlement of peoples, their long-term communication with each other led to the fact that in agricultural practice already in the 18th century. elements of similarity came to the fore, common features . The differences were determined to a greater extent by the natural and climatic characteristics of the area of ​​settlement of one or another people, rather than by ethnic specifics. The agricultural practice of the peoples of the Urals was the result of a synthesis of the best cultural achievements of individual peoples, accumulated over centuries of empirical knowledge. All groups of Tatars, Udmurts, Mari of the Kama region were dominant in the 18th century. a fallow farming system with three-field, sometimes two-field, or variegated crop rotation became a thing. In the forest regions of the Urals, among the Chepetsk Tatars, Besermyans, and Udmurts, it was supplemented with elements of the slash-and-burn system and forest fallow. Among the Komi-Permyaks, forest fallow season was combined with cuttings in the 18th century. was more widespread than among other peoples. The composition of cultivated crops was almost the same among all the peoples of the Urals. Winter rye, barley, oats, wheat, peas were grown everywhere, and flax and hemp were industrial crops. In areas more favorable for agriculture in the lower Kama region, the Sylvensko-Prensky river and the Southern Urals, spelled, lentils, millet, and buckwheat were also sown. Among the Chepetsk Tatars and northern Udmurts, almost 50% of the sown areas were occupied by winter rye, followed by oats and barley. Cabbage, turnips, radishes, and beets were widespread as garden crops. The tools used to cultivate the soil differed little. The average supply of arable land in the settlement areas of the agricultural peoples of the Urals, according to the General Land Survey, was higher than in Central Russia - about 6 dessiatines. The yield of crops was higher among the peoples living on the steppe and forest-steppe lands of Bashkiria, as well as in the Kungur, Osinsky, Krasnoufimsky, Shadrinsky districts of the Perm province, in the Sarapul and Yelabuga districts of the Vyatka province. The second most important sector of the economy among the Udmurts, Komi-Permyaks, Tatars, Mari, and Mordovians who lived in the Ural region was livestock farming. Everywhere the herd of domestic animals included horses, cattle, and sheep. The Udmurts, Komi-Permyaks, and Mordovians, unlike the Tatars and Mari, raised pigs. The achievement of peasant livestock husbandry, the result of the mutual influence of folk experience, was the breeding of the Vyatka and Obvinsk breeds of horses. The increase in the productivity of dairy cattle was also facilitated by crossing Russian breeds with Kyrgyz and Siberian ones. The number of livestock depended on the wealth of the farms. In wealthy farms, the number of horses reached 20-30 heads, the entire herd - up to 100 heads, while the poorest part of the peasantry sometimes had neither horses nor cattle, and was often content with a horse, a cow and two or three heads of small livestock. Livestock farming remained largely subsistence in nature. The commodification of this sector of the economy is planned among the Tatars and Komi-Permyaks. Thus, the Komipermyaks - residents of the Zyuzda volost - constantly supplied the Soli Kama market with “home-grown cattle”. Buyers from the Tatars bought livestock products - lard, leather, wool - not only in Tatar villages, but also from the Udmurts, Mari and other peoples and supplied these goods to large markets: in Kazan, Kungur, at the Irbit and Makaryevsk fairs. Such auxiliary activities as hunting, fishing, and beekeeping continued to play a significant role in the economy of the agricultural peoples of the Urals. Commercial hunting was carried out for martens, beavers, foxes, otters, mink, squirrels, hares, moose, bears, wolves and wild birds. The furs produced in significant quantities were exported to the markets of Ufa, Kazan, Vyatka, and Orenburg. Beekeeping, both forest (beekeeping) and domestic beekeeping, was widespread among all peoples living in the territory of Bashkiria, as well as the Kama Mari and Udmurts. Russian and Tatar merchants specialized in buying honey and supplying it to large markets of the Russian state. The processing of agricultural and livestock products among the peoples of the Urals was primarily at the level of home production. Each peasant farm sought to satisfy its own needs for tools, means of transportation, simple household utensils, shoes and clothing. By the end of the 18th century. Tatar and Udmurt peasants and “trading people” founded a number of tanneries that used hired labor. Traders from the Tatars also owned enterprises for processing forest materials, opened in the Osinsky district of the Perm province and the Yelabuga district of the Vyatka province. Representatives of the Teptyar-Bobyl population of Bashkiria also started similar enterprises. It is no coincidence that in their speeches at meetings of the Legislative Commission, deputies from the Ufa and Orenburg provinces noted that many “non-believers” opened leather, soap, and lard-making “factories,” and some - paper and linen “factories.” Obviously, all these enterprises were at the level of simple capitalist cooperation and even manufacturing. The metal processing industries of the Komi-Permyaks, Udmurts and Maris, which early evolved into handicraft production, as a result of repeated prohibitory decrees by the 18th century. fell into disrepair. Forestry among the peoples living on the large rafting rivers Kama and Vyatka developed into small-scale production. Woodworking products - matting, coolies, wooden utensils - were bought up by representatives of the Russian merchant class and floated to the lower cities. The entrepreneurial elite of the village took out contracts for the supply of timber for iron factories. The contract form of hiring became widespread in the carriage industry, which was practiced by all the peoples of the Urals. Some development in the 18th century. among the Mari, Udmurts, Tatars and especially the Komi-Permyaks received non-agricultural waste. About 20 thousand Tatars, Chuvash, and Mordovians were hired annually in the middle of the 18th century. for "factory work". Most of these otkhodniks lost the opportunity to conduct farming and represented a reserve of hired labor used both in industry and in agriculture . Cash rent, which in the 18th century. became the dominant form of exploitation of all the nationalities of the Urals, forcing them to constantly turn to the market and sell a significant part of the grain - the main product of their economy. Already at the beginning of the first half of the 18th century. Carian Tatars, Besermyans, and Udmurts supplied large quantities of grain to the northern regions of the Russian state. Thus, only from 1710 to 1734 the amount of bread brought from all regions of Udmurtia to the Kama Salt market increased 13 times. Arkhangelsk remained the traditional market for the sale of bread produced in the Vyatka and Kazan provinces, through which the bread entered European markets. Bread from Bashkiria, the Volga region, and the Lower Kama region, bought from the Mari, Tatars, and Udmurts, went to the Makaryevskaya fair and to the lower cities. In the second half of the 18th century. with the increase in the size of the non-agricultural population, the capacity of the grain market increased, which was a new incentive for the development of commodity-money relations among the peoples of the Urals. However, the policy of tsarism, aimed at limiting peasant trade in every possible way, made the grain producer completely dependent on commercial capital. It was no coincidence that the demand for freedom of trade in agricultural and livestock products sounded so forcefully in all orders to the deputies of the Legislative Commission from the peoples of the Urals. Gradually, in the Ural village, a whole system of buying agents, subordinate to large commercial capital, took shape. The lowest link of this system, often consisting of representatives of local peoples, acted among the direct producers, entangling the village in a dense network of usurious, enslaving dependence. The operations of such peasants, who specialized in the purchase and resale of peasant products, reached several hundred and even thousands of rubles. The development of commodity-money relations led to increased processes of property differentiation and social stratification. In terms of the pace of social stratification among the peoples of the Urals, the Tatar village was ahead. In the Udmurt, Komi-Permyak, Mari, and Chuvash villages, the process of identifying the entrepreneurial elite was slower. The predominant mass of peasants remained, whose economy retained a natural-patriarchal character and who turned to the market only because of the need for money “to pay taxes.” In conditions of feudal-serf oppression, petty regulation of peasant farming and trade, the wealthy stratum sought to go beyond the confines of the peasant class that constrained it. In the 18th century a noticeable group of Tatar merchants was created, which competed with the Russians. At the same time, among the indigenous peoples of the Urals, cases of peasant ruin and their loss of independent agricultural farming became more frequent, which was facilitated not only by non-agricultural withdrawal, but also by the relative freedom of disposal of land, which remained almost until the end of the 18th century. Land was actively involved in commodity-money circulation; selling it was a common way of obtaining money to “pay off” taxes. The rural poor, deprived of their land, often became hired and bonded laborers for their wealthy fellow villagers. The way of life was different in the 18th century. economy of the ethnic groups of the Northern Urals - Khanty and Mansi. The basis of their economy was still hunting and fishing; among the Mansi, it was partly reindeer herding. Hunting was carried out for elk, bear, sable, fox, and squirrel. In the summer, the Mansi and Khanty lived in small villages - yurts, consisting of several houses, and in the winter they wandered after game animals. Wealthy Mansi had herds of deer. The ordinary masses were subjected to brutal exploitation and robbery by fur buyers. Under the influence of the Russian Mansi, who lived in the Kungur district, as well as in the Trans-Urals along the rivers Lozva, Tura, Lobva, Lyala, in the 18th century. began to take their first steps in agriculture and cattle breeding. In the 18th century Due to the intensification of feudal-serf exploitation, the situation of all the peoples of the Urals worsened. From the very beginning, the government pursued a policy of equalizing all tax-paying classes, taking less and less into account the peculiarities of the economic structure and internal structure of peoples. Already in the last quarter of the 17th century. Komi-Permyaks, Udmurts, Besermyans, as well as Russian peasants, were subject to the Streltsy household tax and a number of other duties common to the Russian peasantry. The further development of feudal-serf relations in the Urals led to the fact that in 1702, by decree of Peter I, almost 14 thousand husbands’ souls were transferred “to the eternal and hereditary possession” of the Stroganovs. the sexes of the Komi-Permyaks who settled in Obva, Kosva, and Inva. Thus, almost half of the Komi-Permyak population found itself under the yoke of personal dependence on the Stroganov serf owners. The Stroganovs widely used the quitrent method of exploiting serfs; in addition, they used their labor in their enterprises, on salt caravans, in cutting and transporting firewood. In 1760, part of the Komi-Permyaks, together with the Russian population living along the river. Kama at the confluence of the river. Vishera, was assigned to the Pokhodyashin and Pyskorsky factories. In the first quarter of the 18th century. The size of the yasak tax for the Mari, Tatars, and southern Udmurts also increased sharply. From 1704 to 1723, yasak Udmurts, Mari, and Tatars paid an average of 7 to 9 rubles per yasak. money, 1 quarter of rye flour, 2 quarters of rye and oats. On average, half of the yasak fell to a peasant household, therefore, each household received from 3 rubles. 50 kopecks up to 4 rub. 50 kopecks only cash payments. The tax yard of the Chepetsk Tatars and northern Udmurts also received about 4-5 rubles. cash payments. Compared to the end of the 17th century. The monetary part of the peasantry's payments increased approximately 4 times, and the food part - 2 times. The peoples of the Urals were also involved in labor service. Thousands of their representatives took part in the construction of St. Petersburg, fortified lines, fortresses, in the construction of harbors, ships, etc. The equipment and maintenance of those mobilized placed a heavy burden on peasant households. Since 1705, conscription service was also extended to the peoples of the Urals (except for the Bashkirs), absorbing the most able-bodied population: in wartime, 1 recruit was taken from 20 households, in peacetime - from 80-100 households. The supply of dragoon and draft horses for the army brought a lot of hardships. Peter’s “profit-makers” invented more and more new types of extortions: from peasant baths - from 10 kopecks. up to 1 rub. 50 kopecks, from apiary hives - 4 kopecks each, they were also taken from branding clamps, etc. The quitrent was imposed on berm lands, beaver runs, bird and fishing grounds, and mill sites. The ethnic traditions of peoples were inventively used in the fiscal interests of the treasury. A special levy was imposed on pagan prayer sites and keremets, Muslim mosques, “infidel weddings”, the production of the Udmurt intoxicating drink - “kumyshki”, etc. During the tax reform of 1719-1724, which replaced the household principle of taxation with capitation, most of the peoples of the Urals ( except for the Bashkirs) was included in the category of state peasantry and equalized with the Russian peasantry. The Udmurts, Tatars, and Maris were subject to a poll tax of 71.5 kopecks. state taxes and 40 kopecks. labor payments “instead of the landowner’s income.” Feudal rent, collected from the peoples of the Urals, as well as from all state peasants, grew rapidly. From 1729 to 1783, the quitrent tax in nominal terms increased 7.5 times. The capitation tax was constantly supplemented by a wide variety of natural taxes and duties. In 1737, a tax in kind was introduced - 2 quadruples of bread per soul “from the Tatars and other Gentiles” (from Russian peasants 1 quadruple was collected). In 1741, grain taxes were increased by another 3 times and amounted to six quadruples per husband. floor. As a result of numerous unrest among the peasantry, including non-Russians, the grain tax was abolished. The introduction of the poll tax was accompanied by unrest among the Udmurts, Tatars, and Maris, supported by the Bashkirs. During these unrest, the yasak Tatars and Mari of the Kungur district achieved the temporary abolition of the poll tax and conscription duty and the restoration of the “kunish yasak”. Only during the reign of Catherine II did the government decide to return to monetary taxation of this category of the population. Attempts to strengthen the tax pressure in Bashkiria, undertaken by tsarism at the beginning of the 18th century, caused the Bashkir uprising of 1704-1711, so the government was forced to retreat for a while and return to yasak taxation. At first, tsarism did not interfere in the relationships between the Bashkir communities and the henchmen. In the 30s of the 18th century. A new stage in the policy of autocracy began in Bashkiria. In 1731, the Orenburg expedition was created, the main task of which was to strengthen the position of tsarism in the region and use its wealth in the interests of the entire country. To achieve this, it was planned to build a number of new fortresses, including Orenburg, which was to become one of the main outposts of a further offensive against Kazakhstan and Central Asia and the center of Central Asian trade. The program of mineral exploration, construction of new mining plants, resettlement of Russian peasants and development of agriculture, which the Orenburg expedition intended to implement, objectively meant the development of the productive forces of Bashkiria. But all this required a redistribution of the land fund and inevitably led to new large seizures of Bashkir lands, a new attack on the entire way of life of Bashkir society. During the implementation of this program, only in the 30-40s of the 18th century. More than 11 million dessiatines were taken from the Bashkirs for the needs of the treasury. lands. Tax oppression also increased. In 1734, the yasak salary was revised, which more than doubled. Contributions in kind increased, which already far exceeded the yasak salary. Military service became permanent - guarding the borders of the region and participating in long campaigns, which involved large expenses, as did the delivery of horses for cavalry regiments. All more people demanded mobilization for the construction of military fortifications and cities, postal and submarine duties. The new yasak salary from the Teptyar and bobylyek households ranged from 17 to 80 kopecks, in addition, the bobyli brought into the treasury the tribute, yam, and polonian money (about 27 kopecks from each household), were involved in the construction of the city of Orenburg and other fortresses, the construction government mills. The Teptyar population was taxed with 1 marten or 40 kopecks. from each courtyard, in addition, it supplied one person from seven courtyards for the construction of Orenburg, and 1,200 people with carts annually for the removal of Pletsk salt. The increase in taxation of the Teptyar-Bobyl population occurred in 1747, when the government extended a poll tax of 80 kopecks to them. from every male soul. At the same time, various government duties were maintained: delivery of Iletsk salt, iron ore to private and state-owned ironworks, underwater chasing. According to the decree of May 11, 1747, a yasak salary equal to approximately 25 kopecks. from the courtyard, the serving Tatars and Mishars were also taxed. The reform of 1754 introduced state sales of salt at 35 kopecks throughout the entire territory of Bashkiria. per pood. Although the Bashkirs and Mishars were exempted from paying yasak, the reform brought the treasury from 14 to 15 thousand rubles. annual income. The Teptyar-Bobyl population was not exempted from the poll tax, thus its situation worsened even more. During and after the suppression of the Bashkir uprising of 1735-1736. tsarism carried out a number of measures aimed at completely subordinating Bashkiria to the control of the tsarist administration. A continuous line of fortresses was created that covered Bashkiria, starting from Guryev on the Caspian Sea and ending with the Zverinogolovskaya fortress at the junction of the Orenburg and Siberian lines. Tsarism began to interfere more persistently in the internal life of Bashkir society, gradually eliminating the elements of self-government that had previously been preserved in Bashkiria. The local court was limited: only small claims remained in the competence of the elders, and cases on family divisions and troubles remained in the competence of the Muslim clergy; in 1782, the court for small civil and criminal cases was also removed from the jurisdiction of the elders. The administrative structure of the region also served to strengthen control over the Bashkir population. In the first half of the 18th century. The main territory of Bashkiria comprised the Ufa province and was part of the Kazan province. From 1728 to 1731 it reported directly to the Senate, in 1731 - 1737. was again governed by the Kazan governor. From 1737 to 1744, the Ufa province was governed by the Orenburg Commission, which decentralized administration: the Bashkirs were assigned to Ufa, Menzelinsk, Krasnoufimsk, Osa and the Chebarkul fortress. In 1744, the Orenburg province was formed, which included the Ufa and Iset provinces, the latter including the entire trans-Ural part of Bashkiria. Bashkir tribal volosts were replaced by territorial ones. All these events culminated in the canton reform of 1798. The administrative structure of other peoples of the Urals also served the purpose of separating the “foreigners”. All of them were part of administrative entities united with the Russian population, and in fiscal and judicial-police terms they were completely subordinate to the Russian administration. Representatives of the patriarchal-feudal and entrepreneurial elite of the peoples themselves were allowed to the lowest level of management as centurions, elders, and kissers. Through the efforts of the feudal-serf apparatus of power, they were turned into an obedient instrument of tsarism’s local policy. They were entrusted with the distribution and collection of taxes, the organization of serving recruitment and labor duties, and the responsibility for maintaining order on the ground. Those who did not know the basics of legislation and the Russian language suffered doubly from the arbitrariness of those in power, starting from governors and ending with messengers of provincial and district offices. Heavy socio-economic oppression was complemented by elements of national oppression, manifested primarily in forced Russification and Christianization. By the beginning of the 18th century. The Christianization of the Mansi and Komi-Permyaks was basically completed. In the 20s of the 18th century. Tsarism began to spread Christianity among other peoples of the Urals with the most decisive methods. Several decrees were issued on Christianization, on rewards for baptism, and on the exemption of newly baptized people from taxes and duties. In 1731, a commission was organized in Sviyazhsk to baptize Kazan and Nizhny Novgorod Muslims. In 1740, it was reorganized into the New Epiphany Office with a large staff of preachers and a military team. At the same time, by decree of September 11, 1740, the taxes and duties of the newly baptized, from which they were exempted for 3 years, were transferred to the unbaptized. Priests, accompanied by military teams, spread Orthodoxy among the Udmurts, Mari, Chuvash and Mordovians. Attempts to baptize the Tatars and Bashkirs were unsuccessful, and other peoples, having formally accepted baptism, often still remained pagans. Christianization did not achieve its ultimate goal - weakening the class struggle of the peoples of the Urals. On the contrary, the violent methods by which it was carried out gave rise to a number of local protests. The motive for the fight against the official church was also manifested in the actions of the participants in the Peasant War under the leadership of E. I. Pugachev, which united all the peoples of the Urals with the Russian people in the fight against common exploiters. In the anti-feudal struggle, as well as in joint labor, the traditions of cooperation and friendship of the peoples of the Urals with the working masses of the Russian people were laid and strengthened.

Lyubov Fedyakova

Summary of GCD on local history with children of the preparatory group

"Peoples of the Middle Urals"

(teacher L.I. Fedyakova, kindergarten No. 329, Yekaterinburg).

Target: To develop in children an interest in their native land as a part of Russia: in people of different nationalities living in their native land.

Tasks: 1. Introduce children to the peoples of the Sverdlovsk region.

2. Develop children’s ideas about their characteristics (appearance, national costumes, traditional activities) and cultural traditions representatives of different nationalities native land, Middle Urals.

3. Cultivate respectful, friendly feelings towards people of other nationalities.

Progress of the lesson:

What do we call Motherland?

The land where you and I live!

Children, name your homeland? (children's answers).

Name the region in which we live. (Middle Urals).

Tell me, what is the name of our region? (Sverdlovskaya).

Look at the map of the Sverdlovsk region, it is rich in coniferous and deciduous forests, wild animals. We learned and marked on the map the beautiful places and attractions of our region. And today we will talk about the peoples of the Sverdlovsk region.

Look at each other, are we all the same? (No.) That's right, because among us there are Udmurts, Maris, Tatars, and Russians.

How are we different from each other? (eye color, hair, skin).

Each nation also speaks its own language.

What language do Russians speak? (in Russian).

And the Tatars? (in Tatar). Yaroslav R. please say a few words in Tatar.

What language do the Udmurts speak? (in Udmur). Listen to a poem in the Udmur language, Angelina will tell it. IN.

The peoples of our region know two languages: their national and Russian, since they live in a large country - Russia, and Russian is the state language.

To get to know the peoples of the Sverdlovsk region better, we will now watch the presentation.

1 slide. Russians.

Consider the Russian national costume. Tell us what kind of clothes Russian people wore.

What national holidays were celebrated? (Epiphany, Maslenitsa, Easter, etc.)

2 slide. Tatars.

Children, how is the Tatar costume different from the Russian one?

Who knows Tatar national holidays?

The most famous Tatar holiday is Sabantuy. Celebration of the completion of spring field work. The main, most beloved and most popular type of competition on Sabantui remains sash wrestling. They also conduct horse racing, sack fighting, tug of war, sticks, climbing on high poles with a prize hanging on top, etc.

At the same time, competitions of singers and dancers are held.

3 slide. Bashkirs.

Look how unusual the Bashkir national costume is? What is it decorated with?

Bashkirs are known as wonderful farmers, excellent livestock breeders and skilled beekeepers.

Bashkir national holidays:

Kargatuy is a crow festival, held in March, dedicated to the spring awakening of nature. On this day, porridge was cooked in milk in large cauldrons. While the porridge was cooking, girls and young women decorated the trees with colorful ribbons, rings, and bracelets. There were rugs spread under the trees, and bright woven tablecloths in the center of them. Festive treats were laid out on them.

Jiyin is a summer holiday. Sports competitions were organized.

3 slide.Mari– this is very ancient people, they have been known since the 6th century. The traditional occupations of the Mari are agriculture, animal husbandry, beekeeping, and hunting.

The national Mari costume is decorated with embroidery. Pay attention to the headdress, how it differs from other national costumes.

The Mari have maintained a reverent attitude towards nature. The forest is sacred to them. There is a belief that the forest is ruled by the goddess, or mistress, of the forest. Therefore, during any forestry work, it is customary to leave a piece of pancake or flatbread on a stump as a gift to the mistress of the forest.

4 slide. Udmurts. The traditional occupation of the Udmurts is agriculture and animal husbandry.

Now look at how beautiful the Udmur national costume is. What did you like about him?

Udmurian folk holidays: Gyryny Poton - the holiday of the first furrow. On the day of the holiday, horse racing was held. It was believed that whoever is the winner will finish the spring plowing earlier. The girls gave towels to the winner of the equestrian competition, and ribbons were woven into the mane of his horse.

Goron Bydton – completion of spring work.

At Udmur holidays, the most common musical instrument was the gusli.

5 slide. Chuvash.

Do you like the Chuvash national costume? Tell us how the Chuvash dress.

In ancient times, the Chuvash were engaged in agriculture and animal husbandry. Domestic animals were highly valued on the farm. It was customary for the Chuvash to swear by them. During such an oath, a hand was extended over the animals. They believed that if the oath was false, the animal would get sick and die.

Chuvash folk holidays:

Akatui is a holiday of sowing. Adults and children competed in running and organized horse races.

Chukleme – completion of harvesting work.

6 slide. Mordva.

Now look how beautiful the Mordovian national costume is. A mandatory attribute of the Mordovian women's costume is a beautiful belt - pulai. Let's say it all together - pulai.

The Mordovians were mainly fishermen, plowmen, livestock breeders and hunters. All Mordovian holidays are associated with their economic activities.

Slide 7 Khanty and Mansi.

In the Far North live brave, hardworking people - Khanty and Mansi. Let's look at their clothes. Khanty clothes are very warm. Why do you think?

That's right, because it's very cold in the north! Clothes are made from reindeer skins, because, first of all, they must be warm and comfortable. The Khanty and Mansi are dressed in fur pants and a fur shirt with a hood, called a kukhlyanka. Let's all repeat this new word for you together.

Look, national clothes are decorated with fur and embroidery. Patterns representing fish, deer and birds were often embroidered on clothing.

8 slide. All nationalities in our region live in peace and harmony; we have no national hostility. All nations respect each other.

Game "Travel on the map of the Sverdlovsk region." Guys, now we will go on a trip around our region and paste small pictures of peoples in the places where they live.

Every nation, when creating a national costume, sought to make it beautiful, because in the old days such clothes were worn only on holidays.

Andrei D.’s grandmother came to visit us - she is Mari. Look, guys, what a beautiful festive national costume she is in. Do you like it? Grandmother will tell us about the children's Mari games that she played when she was little.

Children play with their grandmother Mari folk game "Pire den pacha-vlak" - "Wolf and Lambs". Rule of the game:

They choose a wolf, a sheep, and the rest - lambs. A sheep and lambs are walking along the path, and a wolf meets them. The sheep asks:

Mom tyshte yshtet (What are you doing, wolf)

Tendam vuchem (Waiting for you) - the wolf answers.

Does Molan take memnam into account? (Why)

Pacha-vlakym kochkash. (To eat your lambs.)

After these words, the wolf catches the lambs. The lambs should stand behind their mother, holding hands. They play until the wolf catches all the lambs.

Lesson summary:

What peoples live in the Sverdlovsk region? (Children's answers)

Our country, guys, is strong in its unity and friendship of different peoples. Even in our group there are Tatars, Russians, Chuvash, Mari, and we all live together, we never quarrel!

Publications on the topic:

There has long been a popular saying: “The Urals are the supporting region of the state.” What is “Ural”? Let's take a look at Wikipedia: “The Urals is a geographical region.

Abstract of GCD on local history for the preparatory group

Introduction

  1. General information about the Ural peoples
  2. Origin of the peoples of the Uralic language family
  3. Contribution of the Urals to Russian culture

Conclusion

Bibliography

Introduction

The ethnogenesis of modern peoples of the Urals is one of the pressing problems of historical science, ethnology and archeology. However, this question is not purely scientific, because In the conditions of modern Russia, the problem of nationalism arises acutely, the justification for which is often sought in the past. The radical social transformations taking place in Russia have a huge impact on the life and culture of the peoples inhabiting it. The formation of Russian democracy and economic reforms are taking place in conditions of diverse manifestations of national identity, activation social movements and political struggle. These processes are based on the desire of Russians to eliminate the negative legacy of past regimes, improve the conditions of their social existence, and defend the rights and interests associated with a citizen’s sense of belonging to a particular ethnic community and culture. That is why the genesis of the ethnic groups of the Urals should be studied extremely carefully, and historical facts should be assessed as carefully as possible.

Currently, representatives of three language families live in the Urals: Slavic, Turkic and Uralic (Finno-Ugric and Somadian). The first includes representatives of Russian nationality, the second - Bashkirs, Tatars and Nagaibaks, and finally, the third - Khanty, Mansi, Nenets, Udmurts and some other small nationalities of the Northern Urals.

This work is devoted to the consideration of the genesis of modern ethnic groups living in the Urals before its inclusion in the Russian Empire and settlement by Russians. The ethnic groups under consideration include representatives of the Uralic and Turkic language families.

1. General information about the Ural peoples

Representatives of the Turkic language family:

BASHKIRS (self-name - Bashkort - “wolf head” or “wolf leader”), the indigenous population of Bashkiria. The number in the Russian Federation is 1345.3 thousand people. (1989). They also live in the Chelyabinsk, Orenburg, Perm, and Sverdlovsk regions. They speak Bashkir; dialects: southern, eastern, the northwestern group of dialects stands out. Distributed Tatar language. Writing based on the Russian alphabet. Believing Bashkirs are Sunni Muslims.

NAGAIBAKI, Nagaibakler (self-name), ethnographic group (subethnos) of baptized Tatars of the Volga-Ural region, in the past - part of the Orenburg Cossacks (according to some researchers, Nagaibak can be considered, although close to the Tatars, but an independent ethnic group); live in Nagaibaksky and Chebarkulsky districts of the Chelyabinsk region. According to the 1989 census, Nagaibaks were included in the Tatars, but from primary materials it is clear that 11.2 thousand people called themselves Nagaibaks (not Tatars).

Representatives of the Uralic language family:

MANSI (self-name - “man”), Voguls. The number of people in the Russian Federation is 8.3 thousand. Mansi are the indigenous population of the Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug, a small group also lives in the north-east. Sverdlovsk region They unite with the Khanty under the name. Ob Ugrians. Language - Mansi.

NENETS (self-name - Khasova - “man”), Samoyeds. The number in the Russian Federation is 34.2 thousand people. The Nenets are the indigenous population of Europe. North and North West. Siberia. They live in the Nenets Autonomous Okrug, the Arkhangelsk Region, the northern region of the Komi Republic, the Yamalo-Nenets and Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug, the Tyumen Region, the Taimyr Autonomous Okrug, and the Krasnoyarsk Territory.

UDMURTS, (Votyaks - an outdated Russian name). The number in the Russian Federation is 714.8 thousand people. Udmurts are the indigenous population of Udmurtia. In addition, they live in Tatarstan, Bashkiria, the Mari Republic, in the Perm, Tyumen and Sverdlovsk regions. They speak the Udmurt language; dialects: northern, southern, Besermyansky and middle dialects. Writing based on Russian graphics.

KHANTY, (self-name - Kantek). The number in the Russian Federation is 22.3 thousand people. Indigenous population of the Northern Urals and West. Siberia, concentrated in the Khanty-Mansiysk and Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrug. Among the Khanty, three stand out ethnographic groups- northern, southern, eastern. They differ in dialects, self-names, economic and cultural characteristics, and endogamy (marriage within their own troupe). Until the beginning of the twentieth century. The Russians called the Khanty “Ostyaks” (possibly from “Asyakh”, “people of the big river”), and even earlier (before the 14th century) - Ugra, Yugrich (the name of an ancient ethnonym, cf. “Ugrians”). They speak the Khanty language.

2. Origin of the peoples of the Uralic language family

The latest archaeological and linguistic research suggests that the ethnogenesis of the peoples of the Ural language family dates back to the Neolithic and Chalcolithic eras, i.e. to the Stone Age (VIII-III millennium BC). At this time, the Urals were inhabited by tribes of hunters, fishermen and gatherers, who left behind a small number of monuments. These are mainly sites and workshops for the production of stone tools, however, on the territory of the Sverdlovsk region, uniquely preserved villages of this time have been identified in the Shigirsky and Gorbunovsky peat bogs. Structures on stilts, wooden idols and various household utensils, a boat and an oar were discovered here. These finds make it possible to reconstruct both the level of development of society and to trace the genetic relationship of the material culture of these monuments with the culture of modern Finno-Ugric and Somadian peoples.

The formation of the Khanty is based on the culture of the ancient aboriginal Ural tribes of the Urals and Western Siberia, engaged in hunting and fishing, influenced by the pastoral Andronovo tribes, with whom the arrival of the Ugrians is associated. It is to the Andronovo people that the characteristic Khanty ornaments - ribbon-geometric - are usually traced back. The formation of the Khanty ethnic group took place over a long period of time, from the middle. 1st millennium (Ust-Poluy, Lower Ob cultures). Ethnic identification of the bearers of the archaeological cultures of Western Siberia during this period is difficult: some classify them as Ugric, others as Samoyed. Recent research suggests that in the 2nd half. 1st millennium AD e. The main groups of Khanty were formed - northern, based on the Orontur culture, southern - Potchevash, and eastern - Orontur and Kulai cultures.

The settlement of the Khanty in ancient times was very wide - from the lower reaches of the Ob in the north to the Baraba steppes in the south and from the Yenisei in the east to the Trans-Urals, including p. Northern Sosva and river Lyapin, as well as part of the river. Pelym and R. Conda in the west. Since the 19th century The Mansi began to move beyond the Urals from the Kama region and the Urals, being pressed by the Komi-Zyryans and Russians. From an earlier time, part of the southern Mansi also went north due to the creation in the XIV-XV centuries. Tyumen and Siberian Khanates - states of the Siberian Tatars, and later (XVI-XVII centuries) with the development of Siberia by the Russians. In the XVII-XVIII centuries. Mansi already lived on Pelym and Konda. Some Khanty also moved from the western regions. to the east and north (to the Ob from its left tributaries), this is recorded by statistical data from the archives. Their places were taken by the Mansi. So, by the end of the 19th century. on p. Northern Sosva and river Lyapin, there was no Ostyak population left, which either moved to the Ob or merged with the newcomers. A group of northern Mansi formed here.

Mansi as an ethnic group was formed as a result of the merger of tribes of the Ural Neolithic culture and Ugric and Indo-European (Indo-Iranian) tribes moving in the 2nd-1st millennium BC. e. from the south through the steppes and forest-steppes of Western Siberia and the Southern Trans-Urals (including tribes that left monuments to the Land of Cities). The two-component nature (a combination of the cultures of taiga hunters and fishermen and steppe nomadic cattle breeders) in the Mansi culture continues to this day, most clearly manifested in the cult of the horse and the heavenly rider - Mir susne khuma. Initially, the Mansi were settled in the Southern Urals and its western slopes, but under the influence of colonization by the Komi and Russians (XI-XIV centuries) they moved to the Trans-Urals. All Mansi groups are largely mixed. In their culture, one can identify elements that indicate contacts with the Nenets, Komi, Tatars, Bashkirs, etc. Contacts between the northern groups of the Khanty and Mansi were especially close.

The newest hypothesis of the origin of the Nenets and other peoples of the Samoyed group connects their formation with the so-called Kulai archaeological culture (5th century BC - 5th century AD, mainly in the territory of the Middle Ob region). From there in the III-II centuries. BC e. Due to a number of natural-geographical and historical factors, migration waves of Samoyed-Kulai people penetrate to the North - to the lower reaches of the Ob, to the West - to the Middle Irtysh region and to the South - to the Novosibirsk Ob region and the Sayan region. In the first centuries of the new era, under the onslaught of the Huns, part of the Samoyeds who lived along the Middle Irtysh retreated into the forest belt of the European North, giving rise to the European Nenets.

The territory of Udmurtia has been inhabited since the Mesolithic era. The ethnicity of the ancient population has not been established. The basis for the formation of the ancient Udmurts were the autochthonous tribes of the Volga-Kama region. In different historical periods, there were inclusions of other ethnicities (Indo-Iranian, Ugric, early Turkic, Slavic, late Turkic). The origins of ethnogenesis go back to the Ananyin archaeological culture (VIII-III centuries BC). Ethnically, it was a not yet disintegrated, mainly Finno-Perm community. The Ananyin tribes had various connections with distant and close neighbors. Silver jewelry is quite common among archaeological finds. southern origin(from Central Asia, from the Caucasus). Contacts with the Scythian-Sarmatian steppe world were of greatest importance for the Permians, as evidenced by numerous linguistic borrowings.

As a result of contacts with Indo-Iranian tribes, the Ananyin people adopted more developed forms of economic management from them. Cattle breeding and agriculture, together with hunting and fishing, took a leading place in the economy of the Perm population. At the turn of the new era, a number of local cultures of the Kama region grew on the basis of the Ananino culture. Among them, the most important for the ethnogenesis of the Udmurts was Pyanobor (III century BC - II century AD), with which an inextricable genetic connection is found in the material culture of the Udmurts. In the 2nd half. 1st millennium AD e. On the basis of the late Pianoborsk variants, the ancient Udmurt one is formed. ethno-linguistic community, which was probably located in the basin of the lower and middle reaches of the river. Vyatka and its tributaries. The top line of Udmurt archeology is the Chepetsk culture (IX-XV centuries).

One of the earliest mentions of the southern Udmurts is found in Arab authors (Abu-Hamid al-Garnati, 12th century). In Russian sources, the Udmurts are called. Aryans and Ar people are mentioned only in the 14th century. Thus, “Perm” for some time apparently served as a common collective ethnonym for the Perm Finns, including the ancestors of the Udmurts. The self-name “Udmord” was first published by N.P. Rychkov in 1770. The Udmurts were gradually divided into northern and southern. The development of these groups took place in different ethnohistorical conditions, which predetermined their originality: the southern Udmurts have Turkic influence, the northern ones - Russian.

Origin of the Turkic peoples of the Urals

The Turkization of the Urals is inextricably linked with the era of the Great Migration of Peoples (2nd century BC - 5th century AD). The movement of the Huns tribes from Mongolia caused the movement of huge masses of people across Eurasia. The steppes of the Southern Urals became a kind of cauldron in which ethnogenesis took place - new nationalities were “cooked”. The tribes that previously inhabited these territories were partly shifted to the north and partly to the west, as a result of which the Great Migration of Peoples in Europe began. It, in turn, led to the fall of the Roman Empire and the formation of new states of Western Europe - barbarian kingdoms. However, let's return to the Urals. At the beginning of the new era, the Indo-Iranian tribes finally cede the territory of the Southern Urals to the Turkic-speaking ones and the process of formation of modern ethnic groups - the Bashkirs and Tatars (including the Nagaibaks) begins.

In the formation of the Bashkirs decisive role played by Turkic pastoral tribes of South Siberian and Central Asian origin, who, before coming to the Southern Urals, spent considerable time wandering in the Aral-Syr Darya steppes, coming into contact with the Pecheneg-Oguz and Kimak-Kypchak tribes; here they are in the 9th century. record written sources. From the end of the 9th - beginning of the 10th centuries. lived in the Southern Urals and adjacent steppe and forest-steppe areas. The self-name of the people “Bashkort” has been known since the 9th century; most researchers etymologize it as “chief” (bash-) + “wolf” (kort in the Oguz-Turkic languages), “wolf-leader” (from the totemic hero-ancestor). IN recent years a number of researchers are inclined to believe that the ethnonym is based on the name of a military leader known from written sources in the first half of the 9th century, under whose leadership the Bashkirs united into a military-political union and began to develop modern settlement territories. Another name for the Bashkirs - ishtek/istek was presumably also an anthroponym (the name of a person is Rona-Tash).

Even in Siberia, the Sayan-Altai Highlands and Central Asia, the ancient Bashkir tribes experienced some influence from the Tungus-Manchurians and Mongols, which was reflected in the language, in particular in the tribal nomenclature, and anthropological type Bashkir. Arriving in the Southern Urals, the Bashkirs partly ousted and partly assimilated the local Finno-Ugric and Iranian (Sarmatian-Alan) population. Here they apparently came into contact with some ancient Magyar tribes, which can explain their confusion in medieval Arab and European sources with the ancient Hungarians. By the end of the first third of the 13th century, at the time of the Mongol-Tatar invasion, the process of formation of the ethnic appearance of the Bashkirs was basically completed

In X - early XIII centuries The Bashkirs were under the political influence of Volga-Kama Bulgaria, neighboring the Kipchak-Cumans. In 1236, after stubborn resistance, the Bashkirs, simultaneously with the Bulgarians, were conquered by the Mongol-Tatars and annexed to the Golden Horde. In the 10th century Islam began to penetrate among the Bashkirs, which in the 14th century. became the dominant religion, as evidenced by Muslim mausoleums and grave epitaphs dating back to that time. Together with Islam, the Bashkirs adopted Arabic writing, began to familiarize themselves with Arabic, Persian (Farsi), and then Turkic-language written culture. During the period of Mongol-Tatar rule, some Bulgarian, Kipchak and Mongol tribes joined the Bashkirs.

After the fall of Kazan (1552), the Bashkirs accepted Russian citizenship (1552-1557), which was formalized as an act of voluntary accession. The Bashkirs stipulated the right to own their lands on a patrimonial basis and live according to their customs and religion. The Tsarist administration subjected the Bashkirs to various forms of exploitation. In the 17th and especially the 18th centuries. The Bashkirs repeatedly rebelled. In 1773-1775, the resistance of the Bashkirs was broken, but tsarism was forced to preserve their patrimonial rights to the lands; in 1789 the Spiritual Administration of Muslims of Russia was established in Ufa. The Religious Administration included the registration of marriages, births and deaths, regulation of issues of inheritance and division of family property, and religious schools at mosques. At the same time, tsarist officials were able to control the activities of the Muslim clergy. Throughout the 19th century, despite the theft of Bashkir lands and other acts of colonial policy, the economy of the Bashkirs was gradually established, restored, and then the number of people increased noticeably, exceeding 1 million people by 1897. In the end. XIX - early XX centuries. is happening further development education, culture, rise of national self-awareness.

There are various hypotheses about the origin of Nagaibaks. Some researchers associate them with the baptized Nogais, others with the Kazan Tatars, baptized after the fall of the Kazan Khanate. The most well-reasoned opinion is about the initial residence of the ancestors of the Nagaibaks in the central regions of the Kazan Khanate - in Zakazanye and the possibility of their ethnic affiliation with the Nogai-Kypchak groups. In addition, in the 18th century. a small group (62 males) of baptized “Asians” (Persians, Arabs, Bukharians, Karakalpaks) dissolved in their composition. We cannot exclude the existence of a Finno-Ugric component among the Nagaibaks.

Historical sources find the “Nagaibaks” (under the name “newly baptized” and “Ufa newly baptized”) in the Eastern Trans-Kama region since 1729. According to some sources, they moved there in the second half of the 17th century. after the construction of the Zakamskaya Zasechnaya Line (1652-1656). In the first quarter of the 18th century. these “newly baptized” lived in 25 villages of the Ufa district. For loyalty to the tsarist administration during the Bashkir-Tatar uprisings of the 18th century, the Nagaibaks were assigned to the “Cossack service” according to Menzelinsky and others then being built in the area of ​​the upper reaches of the river. Ik fortresses. In 1736, the village of Nagaibak, located 64 versts from the city of Menzelinsk and named, according to legend, after the Bashkir who roamed there, was renamed into a fortress, where the “newly baptized” of the Ufa district were gathered. In 1744 there were 1,359 people, they lived in the village. Bakalakh and 10 villages of the Nagaybatsky district. In 1795, this population was recorded in the Nagaybatsky fortress, the village of Bakaly and 12 villages. In a number of villages, together with the baptized Cossacks, lived newly baptized yasak Tatars, as well as newly baptized Teptyars, who were transferred to the department of the Nagaybatsky fortress as they converted to Christianity. Between representatives of all noted population groups at the end of the 18th century. There were quite intense marital ties. After administrative changes in the second half of the 18th century. all the villages of baptized Cossacks became part of the Belebeevsky district of the Orenburg province.

In 1842, the Nagaibaks from the area of ​​the Nagaibak fortress were transferred to the east - to the Verkhneuralsky and Orenburg districts of the Orenburg province, which was associated with the land reorganization of the Orenburg Cossack army. In Verkhneuralsky (modern districts of the Chelyabinsk region) district they founded the villages of Kassel, Ostrolenko, Ferchampenoise, Paris, Trebiy, Krasnokamensk, Astafievsky and others (a number of villages are named after the victories of Russian weapons over France and Germany). In some villages, Russian Cossacks, as well as baptized Kalmyks, lived together with the Nagaibaks. In the Orenburg district, the Nagaibaks settled in settlements where there was a Tatar Cossack population (Podgorny Giryal, Allabaital, Ilyinskoye, Nezhenskoye). In the last district they found themselves in a dense environment of Muslim Tatars, with whom they began to quickly become close, and at the beginning of the 20th century. accepted Islam.

In general, the adoption by the people of a special ethnonym was associated with their Christianization (confessional isolation), long stay among the Cossacks (class isolation), as well as the separation of the main part of the group of Kazan Tatars after 1842, who lived territorially compactly in the Urals. In the second half of the 19th century. Nagaibaks are identified as a special ethnic group of baptized Tatars, and during the censuses of 1920 and 1926 - as an independent “nationality”.

3. Contribution of the Urals to Russian culture

The richness and diversity of Russian artistic culture are truly limitless. Formed in the process of formation and development of the self-awareness of the Russian people, the formation of the Russian nation, Russian artistic culture was created by the labor of the people - talented folk craftsmen, outstanding artists who expressed the interests and thoughts of the broad masses.

Various regions of Russia poured their gifts into the mighty stream of Russian art. There is no need to list here everything that the Russian people contributed to their artistic treasury. But no matter how amazing the richness of Russian artistic culture is, it cannot be imagined without the Ural contribution. The contribution of the Urals to the artistic culture of Russia was not only great, but also remarkably original. The solid foundation on which the decorative and applied arts of the Urals flourished was industry, its main centers being factories. The importance of industry in the development of the region and its culture was well understood by contemporaries themselves. In one of the official documents we read: “Ekaterinburg owes both its existence and its flourishing state only to factories.” 1

All this was a qualitatively new and unique phenomenon in the history of Russian art. The development of the Ural industry gave birth to a working class, its own working intelligentsia, and awakened creative and social thought. It was a favorable atmosphere for the development of art.

In the 18th century, Ural factories grew thousands of miles away from populated areas, sometimes in deep forests. And already in this fact lies their enormous role in the development of the entire Russian artistic culture: along with the factories, the art they gave birth to grew here. Bearish corners turned into centers of labor and creative activity of the Russian people, despite the terrible oppression and social lawlessness in which it took place. All this now forces us to imagine in a new way the picture of the development of artistic culture in Russia, which can no longer be limited in the East by the blue border of the Volga. The Urals becomes an outpost of Russian artistic culture, an important stage in its further advancement into the depths of Siberia and Asia, to the East. And this is its considerable historical significance.

The Urals are the birthplace of a number of types of Russian decorative and applied art. It is here that the art of painting and varnishing metal products, which have gained so much popularity in the country, originates. The invention of transparent varnish in N. Tagil was of great importance. He imparted extraordinary durability to painted products and further contributed to their fame. Under the undoubted influence of Ural lacquered metal products, combining them with the traditions of local painting, the production of painted trays in Zhestov, which arose at the beginning of the 19th century, was born and grew. The painted chests in Makarievo (now Gorky region) also experienced the influence of painted Ural products.

With good reason, we can consider the Urals to be the birthplace of Russian industrial marble processing, subordinated to the needs of domestic architecture and the creation of monumental and decorative works. It was these features that from the very first steps determined the characteristics of the Ural marble production, in contrast to other regions of Russian stone-cutting art. Academician A.E. Fersman pointed out, for example, that at the Peterhof lapidary factory in the second half of the 18th century, the least amount of marble was polished. 2 The preparation of vases, fireplaces, and architectural details from marble did not become widespread in the Olonets region; in Altai they processed mainly jasper and porphyry. It is important to note that the Ural masters were the first to attempt to use Ural marble to create easel works of sculpture, in particular portraits.

Ural stone artists were the creators of “Russian” mosaics, which enriched ancient mosaic art.” The method of covering products with stone tiles, known in Italy, was applied to small-sized works. The invention of “Russian mosaic” made the production of monumental decorative works from malachite, lapis lazuli, and some types of picturesque, colorful jasper more economical and opened the way for their even wider development. It was first used by the Urals in architecture, as we saw in the example of columns lined with variegated, red-green Kushkulda jasper.

The industrial Urals raised a number of artistic productions that previously existed in other regions of Russia to new heights and infused them with fresh vitality. He developed and improved the ancient traditions of Russian art. This is what happened with Russian artistic weapons. In Ancient Rus' we know its magnificent examples, perfectly forged and skillfully “stuffed” with gold patterns. 4

Zlatoust steel engraving and precious gilding of blades carried out by Ural craftsmen continued the wonderful traditions of the past. But this was not a mechanical repetition of them, but the development of the very essence of this art, expressing in new historical conditions the ancient love of the people for patterned weapons, glorifying the courage and fortitude of the Russian warrior, his love for the Motherland.

The skill of Russian blacksmiths, minters, and foundries, who created magnificent decorative works, was widely known. The famous researcher of Russian artistic metal N. R. Levinson writes about ancient Russian decorative art: “Various metals, ferrous and non-ferrous, have long been used not only for utilitarian purposes, but also for artistic creativity. Cold and hot forging, embossing, casting - all these types of processing and finishing of the surface of metals or their alloys created diverse opportunities for the artistic and technical perfection of objects." 5

Ancient Russian art artistic metal processing in the conditions of developed, technically improving Ural metallurgy rises to a qualitatively new level of its development. Copper dishes decorated with ornaments, the origin and development of Ural bronze, monumental and decorative and chamber cast iron casting, steel engraving - all this is a further continuation of national Russian traditions. The stone-cutting and lapidary art of the Urals also continued the ancient craving for colored stones inherent in the Russian people. Passing the thorny path of development, each type of Ural art enriched the artistic treasure of Russia.

Ural artistic cast iron casting organically merged into Russian architecture when it was permeated with high patriotic ideas. It, expressing the plans of outstanding architects, emphasized the beauty of the buildings, giving it solemn majesty. Bridges and gratings, cast by the Urals, confidently entered into architectural ensembles and into the everyday bustling life of cities. Iron casting in the Urals was associated with the problem of citizenship, which lay at the heart of Russian architecture XVIII century - the first half of the 19th century.

Artistic stone processing in the Urals has enriched Russian art with magnificent stone-cutting works, mostly classical in form and created from domestic materials by the hands of folk craftsmen. Craftsmen with a deep artistic sense were able to penetrate into the essence of the design of a particular product. The wealth of their imagination both in choosing a natural pattern and in creating a new pattern from malachite or lapis lazuli is truly inexhaustible. Works of Ural stone-cutting art were associated with life. They cannot be viewed as something completely divorced from reality. With all the specificity of artistic forms, they reflected the beauty of the Russian land, the greenery of its forests and fields, the blue expanse of lakes, the depth of the sky, the bright colors of the sunset hours.

All this gave the products of the Ural craftsmen national character, which is one of the distinctive features of the development of artistic stone processing in the Urals. These products contain human feelings, experiences and impressions, giving the products spontaneity and human warmth. Works of stone-cutting art from the Urals express optimistic, life-affirming content.

In powerful stone vases, floor lamps and candelabra one can see not only technically perfect craftsmanship and a unique reflection of the mighty Russian nature, but also a sense of pride of the artistic people, who highly value the inexhaustible riches of their Motherland. This is the patriotic meaning of stone cutting art. Artistic products made from colored Ural stone have become truly Russian classical products, corresponding to the nature of the development of Russian art.

The art of the industrial Urals is a branch of Russian artistic culture. But it also developed in close contact with Western European art. The strength of the Urals and its culture was not in isolation, but in connection with the entire world culture. Many foreign masters of varying degrees of knowledge and creative talent worked in the Urals.

The Italians, the Tortori brothers, who had a good knowledge of marble processing technology, the Germans, the Shafs, who mastered the technique of engraving on steel and gilding, and others, brought some benefit. But no visiting masters could give anything if the seeds of their knowledge did not fall on fertile soil. The industrial Urals were such soil.

Here in a number of areas, even before the arrival of foreign masters, there were their own artistic traditions. As, for example, this was the case in Zlatoust, where at the end of the 18th - beginning of the 19th centuries a lot of people worked talented artists, whose creativity contributed to the successful development of Zlatoust engraving and the growth of local artistic culture. That is why V. Bokov was completely wrong when he claimed that it was the Germans who “brought culture to Zlatoust a hundred years ago in a remote and remote place.” 7 They brought knowledge of weapons production technology, but not culture in the broad sense of the word. It is impossible to unfoundedly deny the study of the Ural residents foreign culture, its experience and achievements, as was done in the past, but the gravest mistake would be to underestimate the creative powers of the people.

The patriotic meaning of the art of the Ural masters was manifested in the fact that they created such works of stone, cast iron, steel, etc., which previously seemed unattainable for Russia. And thanks to the skill of the Urals, as well as the art of masters from St. Petersburg, Tula, Altai, Peterhof, Olonets factories and others, such examples of industrial art were created that brought Russia to one of the first places in Europe.

Even contemporaries understood the patriotic significance of Ural art. They sensitively grasped the deepest meaning of the development of artistic culture in the distant Urals, rightly assessing it as a manifestation of the powerful creative forces of Russia. An observer of the first exhibition of Russian manufactured goods in 1829, looking at Ural painted metal products, directly comes to the conclusion: “According to this article, we can completely do without foreigners.”

With a feeling of deep patriotic pride, the magazine “Domestic Notes” noted the high qualities of Zlatoust’s artistic weapons: “The forging of blades, polishing, drawing, etching, gilding and in general all the finishing of weapons of this production were carried out by their own Russian gunsmiths and are not inferior in perfection to the best Versailles works of this kind.” .

The famous Russian landscape painter Andrei Martynov, having visited the Urals and become acquainted with the artistic processing of stone, admiring the skill and talent of artists from the people, wrote about Ural products, “which in many ways are not inferior to ancient antiques, all this is done by Russian peasants.” The artist also highly appreciated the painted Tagil trays, on which, as he noted, “even masterful painting was visible.”

As if summarizing the opinion of the most advanced representatives of Russian society, the “Mining Journal” wrote in 1826 about the Urals: “From simple boiler Beloretsk plant to the beautiful blade of the Zlatoust factory, everything testifies to the success of industrial arts in our fatherland, which for some time has taken a new flight towards its improvement.”

But the works of the Ural masters gained fame not only in their own country, causing enthusiastic reviews from their contemporaries. Having gone abroad, they did not lose their beauty and impressive strength. At all international exhibitions, stone-cutting products, iron castings, and artistic weapons of the Urals were invariably awarded with awards, acquiring world recognition and significance. For example, the works of Ural stone-cutters at the 1851 World Exhibition in London deserved high praise: “The amazing capitals and vases produced there (Ekaterinburg Lapidary Factory - B.P.) from the heaviest materials, one might say, surpassed any similar works of ancient art ...".

Artwork from the distant Urals spread unusually widely throughout the world: they could be found not only in Europe, but even in distant Australia. They popularized the diversity of Russian art, the work of talented artists from the people.

The art of the industrial Urals marks one of the significant achievements of Russian artistic culture. It reflected creative initiative, the inquisitive mind of a working person, and undying skill. Without it, it is impossible to imagine the entire true scope of Russian decorative and applied art.

Conclusion

Thus, we can draw the following conclusions.

  1. The settlement of the Urals began in ancient times, long before the formation of the main modern nationalities, including Russians. However, the foundation of the ethnogenesis of a number of ethnic groups inhabiting the Urals to this day was laid precisely then: in the Chalcolithic-Bronze Age and during the era of the Great Migration of Peoples. Therefore, it can be argued that the Finno-Ugric-Somadian and some Turkic peoples are the indigenous population of these places.
  2. In the process of historical development in the Urals, a mixture of many nationalities took place, resulting in the formation of the modern population. Its mechanistic division along national or religious lines is unthinkable today (thanks to the huge number of mixed marriages) and therefore there is no place for chauvinism and interethnic enmity in the Urals.

Bibliography

  1. History of the Urals from ancient times to 1861 \ ed. A.A. Preobrazhensky - M.: Nauka, 1989. - 608 p.
  2. History of the Urals: Tutorial(regional component). - Chelyabinsk: ChSPU Publishing House, 2002. - 260 p.
  3. Ethnography of Russia: electronic encyclopedia.

Introduction

The history of the Chelyabinsk region is the history of all the peoples who have inhabited its territory since ancient times. Ethnographers note the ethnic complexity and heterogeneity of the population of the South Ural region. This is due to the fact that the Southern Urals from ancient times served as a kind of corridor along which in the distant past the “great migration of peoples” took place, and subsequently waves of migration rolled in. Historically, three powerful layers formed, coexisted and developed on this vast territory - Slavic, Turkic-speaking and Finno-Ugric. Since time immemorial, its territory has been an arena of interaction between two branches of civilizations - sedentary farmers and nomadic pastoralists. The consequence of their interaction over thousands of years was the heterogeneous ethnographic and anthropological composition of the local population. There is one important aspect of the population problem. In strict accordance with the definition of the concept “aboriginal” (“indigenous people”), there is no reason to consider any people in the region as indigenous. All peoples currently living in the Southern Urals are newcomers. The peoples who settled here at very different times chose the Urals as their place of permanent residence. Today it is impossible to divide the peoples into indigenous and non-indigenous inhabitants of the region.

The purpose of my work is to tell about the Nagaibakh people who inhabit our region, their language and culture.

Historical view of the population of the Southern Urals

The first written information about the peoples of the Southern Urals dates back to ancient times; information about the South Ural peoples also belongs to Arab and Persian authors of the 9th-10th centuries, but this news is laconic and vague.

In the era of antiquity and the early Middle Ages, complex ethnic processes took place in the Urals, which connected Europe and Asia. Here is the ancestral home of the Hungarians, Bashkirs, Udmurts, Bulgarians, Komi and Mansi.

From the 7th to the 9th centuries, the influx of nomadic tribes from the steppes of the Aral Sea region and Kazakhstan into the territory of the Southern Urals increased, largely associated with the movement of the well-known ethnopolitical associations of the Magyars, Pechenegs, and Gorkhas. Then relatives of the Kimaks, the Kipchaks, appeared here - former inhabitants of Southern Siberia - later well known in Rus' as the Polovtsians, and in Europe as the Komans.

The Kipchaks were the main inhabitants of the South Ural steppes in the 13th-14th centuries. Separate groups of these tribes established themselves in the Southern Urals and subsequently took part in the formation of the Bashkir and Kazakh peoples.

The Mongol invasion brought new groups of nomads to the Southern Urals, in particular from Altai.

In the 16th century, free risk-taking people appeared on the banks of the Yaik River (Ural), who developed and settled the wild steppes and created here a very interesting and original “Cossack republic” with an elected form of government.

After the Russian conquest of Kazan, the conquest of Siberia and the liberation of the Bashkirs from dependence and subordination to the Golden Horde khanates, the territory of the Southern Urals officially became part of the Russian state.

In the 18th century, the Orenburg Cossacks formed in the Southern Urals - a very unique union of people of different nationalities: Russian Kalmyks, Bashkirs, Nagaibaks, Cheremis, and many other representatives of various peoples inhabiting our country. And although the Orenburg Cossacks were multinational, the Cossacks always remained only Cossacks - they were never divided along national, religious or any other basis. In certain historical periods, Cossacks made up up to 80% of the region's population.

A feature of the socio-economic development of the Southern Urals of this period was that factories were built only with the money of free entrepreneurs, and not with government funds, as was the case in the Middle Urals.

The influx of settlers to the Southern Urals increased after the Patriotic War of 1812. The tsarist government, in connection with the construction of thirty new fortresses, is moving here infantry soldiers, Cossacks from the Perm, Samara and western districts of the Orenburg province. In memory of the places where the Cossacks fought, in the Chelyabinsk region there are settlements Borodinskoye, Leipzig, Ferchampenoise, Berlin Paris, Varna, Chesma, Rymnikskoye, Tarutino and others.

The richness of the history of the Southern Urals is also impressive with processes on an all-Russian scale. At different times, Zarutsky and Marina Mnishek visited here, laying claim to the Russian crown. Emperor Alexander I personally came to see the greatness of the South Ural gold placers. Stepan Razin and Emelyan Pugachev did not bypass the South Ural region; the great Russian poet Pushkin and Dahl, who compiled the “Dictionary of the Great Language,” which is used to this day.

Thus, we have shown that the formation of the ethnic structure of the Chelyabinsk region is due to many factors:

  • · development and collapse of the ancient Ural community;
  • · advancement of Finno-Ugric peoples to the West through the Urals;
  • · the dominance of Volga Bulgaria and its collapse;
  • · movement of Indo-European peoples from the southwest to the Urals;
  • · penetration of the Turks;
  • · Russian colonization of the Ural lands.

Territorial transformations in the Southern Urals began almost immediately after the 1917 revolution. An important stage in the creation of an administrative-territorial structure was the decision of the XII Congress of the RCP (b) in April 1923 “On zoning”. In accordance with the resolution of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of the 10th convocation of November 3, 1923 in the Urals, the Ural region was created as an experiment, which included four provinces - Ekaterininskaya, Permskaya, Tyumenskaya and Chelyabinskaya with the center in Yekaterinburg. Subsequently, territorial transformations in the Chelyabinsk region continued until 1943.

The process of radical changes in the legal status of the Chelyabinsk region dates back to the second half of the 80s and is determined by three stages in which the region acquired the legal status of a subject Russian Federation.

The first covers the period from the second half of the 80s until the signing of the Federal Treaty in March 1992.

The second stage, which lasted until the new Constitution of the Russian Federation came into force on December 25, 1993, ended with the region acquiring the legal status of a state-territorial entity with the rights of a subject of the Russian Federation. The third stage is the modern period of post-constitutional development.

Today, the Chelyabinsk region, in accordance with Part 1 of Art. 65 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation is included in the Russian Federation as a subject of the Russian Federation. This provision is also recorded in the Charter (Basic Law) of the Chelyabinsk Region. The modern region includes 24 districts, 23 cities of regional significance, 7 cities of regional significance, 30 urban-type settlements, 257 rural administrations.

The Chelyabinsk region is one of the largest regions of Russia in terms of population. The population of the region is 3,312.6 thousand people.

Over 110 peoples live in the region, including:

Quantity in thousand

in % of the entire population of the region

Ukrainians

Belarusians

Azerbaijanis

Moldovans

Nagaibaki

  • 2 794 731
  • 178 254
  • 49 704
  • 160 682
  • 6 589
  • 9 204
  • 12 033
  • 12 957
  • 7 062
  • 34 858
  • 2 772
  • 18 512
  • 4 458
  • 3 335
  • 3 856
  • 1 588
  • 1 169
  • 1 361
  • 7 656
  • 0,00021
  • 0,00042
  • 0,00018
  • 0,00012

As we can see from the data presented, the Chelyabinsk region presents a very motley picture in ethnic terms. The main population of the region is represented by Russians. The second largest population is the Tatars, the third are the Bashkirs. It is noteworthy that the national composition of the region is in some respects identical to the national composition of the Russian Federation.

The territorial picture of the residence of the peoples of the region is as follows: Tatars are compactly settled in the north and south of the region, Bashkirs - in the west, Ukrainians - in the south of the region (in rural areas), Germans live in the west and south of the region (in mining towns). Other nationalities are not exactly settled in the region.

During the period from 1989 to 2010, the structure of the national composition of the region's residents changed slightly. One of the reasons for changes in the population of individual nationalities is natural increase or decrease.

For comparison, we will show data from the 1989 population census and the 2010 micro-census (as a percentage of the entire population of the region).

According to the data, the Chelyabinsk region is distinguished by the stability of its national composition. The Russian population predominates in the region and this is one of the important reasons for the stable situation in the region in the interethnic sphere.

From the above data it is clear that the Chelyabinsk region is home to peoples whose political and legal status is defined as small peoples and national minorities. Let's consider them in relation to the research topic.

cultural ritual holiday Nagaybak

Characteristics of the cultural form according to existing classifications by nationality. Nagaibaki

Scientists believe that the Nagaibaks are descendants of the Kazan, or more precisely, Arsk Tatars. Arsk Tatars are named after their place of origin. 52 versts from Kazan on the high right bank of the Kazanka River is the city of Arsk (Arskaya outpost).

Arsk is also mentioned in the third version, which tries to combine the first two. According to it, in 1533, the 18-year-old daughter of the Nogai Murza Yusuf Suyembike became the wife of the Kazan Khan Zhangarei. Her father sent her to Kazan, accompanied by 600 single horsemen. These warriors lived at the Arsk outpost and assimilated (became like) the Tatars.

In the 16th century, after the conquest of the Kazan Khanate by Ivan the Terrible, the Ar Tatars were baptized and deported to the territory of Bashkiria. In those places where the Arsky Tatars were resettled, the Bashkir Nagaibak roamed; one of the new settlements, and then the entire nation, received his name.

In the 17th-18th centuries, relations between the Nagaybaks and Russians with the indigenous Bashkirs who lived next door were difficult and often turned into clashes. The situation was complicated by constant raids of nomads from the Kyzyl-Kaisat Horde, that is, from the territory of modern Kazakhstan. Villages were plundered, residents were taken into slavery in Central Asia. To protect the south of Russia, by order of the first kings of the Romanov dynasty, they began to build the Zakamsk defensive line, stretching to Stavropol. It included the fortresses of Ufa, Birsk, Menzelinsk, Nagaibakskaya and Eldyatskaya. The local population, including the Nagaibaks, carried out military service, although they were assigned to the peasant class and paid tribute to the treasury - yasak.

In 1732-1740, the Bashkirs rebelled, they fought for their independence from the Russian state. Russians, Kalmyks, and other peoples suffered from the rebellion. The Nagaibaks took the side of the Russians. For this, Empress Anna Ioannovna freed them from paying yasak, assigned them to the Cossack class and endowed them with lands that previously belonged to the Bashkirs.

The newly minted Cossacks had to carry out military service, providing themselves with weapons and ammunition. First, the governor Vasily Ivanovich Suvorov, the father of the great commander, was sent to the Nagaibaks. Three years later, the first chieftain was elected in the Cossack circle.

The Nagaibaks did not remain aloof from the terrible events associated with the invasion of Russia by Napoleonic troops, and stood up to defend their Motherland. 332 Nagaibak Cossacks took part in the Patriotic War of 1812. They distinguished themselves in all major battles with the French on Russian soil and in the foreign campaign of 1813-1814. The Nagaibaks fought near Berlin and Kassel, participated in the “Battle of the Nations” near Leipzig, and in the capture of Ferchampenoise-on-Marne and Paris.

In 1842 they had to move again. By order of Nicholas I, in order to separate the warring Kyrgyz-Kaisaks (Kazakhs) and Bashkirs and establish a trade route to Asia, in 1835-1837 a new line of fortresses and guard villages with a length of more than 400 miles was built from Troitsk to Orsk. Our heroes were moved here, to the land of the present Nagaibak region, from Bashkiria, having collected their belongings and livestock within 24 hours. The settlers were given free land for use and timber for their huts.

On the territory of the region, villages 1, 2, 3, 4, 8, 24 and 31 were founded. In 1843, they were named after the places of victorious battles of the Russian army, in which the Nagaibaks participated: Kassel, Ostrolenka, Ferchampenoise, Paris, Trebia, Arsi. Now these villages unofficially also have second, purely Nagaybak names: Kiley (Kassel), Sarashly (Ostroleka), Balykly (Paris).

In the second half of the 19th and early 20th centuries, Nagaibak Cossacks took part in military campaigns in the Turkestan region and fought valiantly in the Russian-Japanese and First World Wars.

Like most Cossacks, the Nagaibaks were wealthy people. In the years civil war They fought mainly on the side of the “white” army. Later, as a result of the policy of dispossession and decossackization, many of them were subjected to repression and ended up in exile. Clothes, things, documents reminiscent of the Cossack past were destroyed. As a result, little evidence about the life of Nagaybak villages has survived to this day.

In 1920, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee issued a decree that eliminated the Cossacks as a class and made them peasants again. In December 1927, the Nagaybak district was organized as an administrative unit. Nagaibaks were recorded in passports and counted in population censuses as Tatars or Russians.

Wandering from place to place could not but leave a mark on the consciousness, memory and culture of the people. Too often the Nagaibaks had to abandon the houses and lands on which their ancestors lived and move to the uninhabited steppes on the unsafe border of the state. But these difficulties only united the Nagaibaks. The symbiosis of several nationalities gave the Nagaibaks an extraordinary appearance. Their appearance has Turkic features, but more often they are slender, thin, fair-haired and light-eyed. If you talk to the Nagaibaks, listen to their speech, it is easy to notice their originality.

In Soviet times, Nagaibaks valiantly defended the Fatherland in various parts all branches of the military. They took part in the operation in the area of ​​Lake Khasan in 1938 and in the battles near the Khalkin-Gol River in 1939, in the Soviet-Finnish War of 1939-1940. 4,653 Nagaibaks fought on the fronts of the Great Patriotic War and contributed to the Victory.

Seventy soldiers of the Nagaybak region performed international duty in Afghanistan, five remained in that war.

Only in the second half of the 20th century did the revival of the national identity and culture of the Nagaibaks begin.

Covers an area of ​​3.1 thousand square kilometers

It consists of 38 settlements, including 9 rural settlements and 1 urban settlement.

The center of the district is the village of Ferchampenoise.

Large settlements: Yuzhny village, Ostrolensky village, Paris village.

The population of the district is 20,925 people (2010 census data)

National composition of the population:

Nagaibaks - 7656 people;

Russians - 10,239 people;

Tatars - 1256 people;

Ukrainians -361 people;

Mordovians - 655 people;

Kazakhs - 3445 people;

Bashkirs - 335;

Belarusians - 213 people and others;

Since February 1928, a socio-political publication, the newspaper “Vskhody”, has been published in the region. http://www.vshodi-nagaibak.ru/ - electronic version of the newspaper

The cultural life of the Nagaybak region today is thriving: 26 libraries, 32 clubs, 5 centers, 6 museums, 3 children's art schools with branches, 14 folk art groups. Festivals and competitions are regularly held in the area itself, as well as far beyond its borders. It has already become traditional to hold the regional folk art festival “Nagaybak Spring”.

The Nagaybak district is a regular participant in the regional folklore festival of traditional creativity “Spring Waters”, the goal of which is to preserve and popularize its original culture. The motto of the festival is “If we forget traditions, we lose ourselves.”

In 2000, the Nagaibaks hosted an international book fair, which would be a credit to any capital.

Nagaibaks have earned a lot of awards and prizes in various fields of folk art. Among them is the Diamond Star for the quality of Nagaybak national cuisine(Mexico City, 1996). Rural ensembles “Sak-Sok”, “Sarashly”, “Chishmelek”, “Gumyr” glorified the folklore and national culture of the Nagaibaks not only in Russia, but also abroad.

The folklore ensemble "Sarashly" from the village of Ostrolenka received a diploma international festival Turkic-speaking peoples. A laser disc with recordings of songs performed by them was released in Holland.

Recently, Nagaibak villages have become a place of pilgrimage for Russian and foreign tourists. There is a lot to see here!

On June 24, 2005, a cell phone tower was inaugurated in the village of Paris, designed in a form resembling a small copy Eiffel Tower in France. Today this tower is the calling card of the village and the entire Nagaybak region.