Objectives of foreign policy. The most important foreign policy task facing Russia in the second half of the 18th century was the struggle for access to the southern seas - the Black and Azov. From the third quarter of the 18th century. The Polish issue occupied a significant place in Russia's foreign policy activities. The Great French Revolution, which began in 1789, largely determined the direction of the foreign policy actions of the Russian autocracy at the end of the 18th century, including the fight against revolutionary France. On the southeastern borders of Russia the situation was relatively stable.

Russian-Turkish War 1768-1774. The Russian government was pushed to take active action in the south by the interests of the country's security, the needs of the nobility, who sought to obtain the richest southern lands, and developing industry and trade, which dictated the need to access the Black Sea coast.

Türkiye, incited by France and England, declared war on Russia in the fall of 1768. Military operations began in 1769 and were carried out on the territory of Moldova and Wallachia, as well as on the Azov coast, where, after the capture of Azov and Taganrog, Russia began building a fleet. In 1770, the Russian army under the command of the talented commander P. A. Rumyantsev won brilliant victories at the Larga and Kagul rivers (tributaries of the Prut River) and reached the Danube. In the same year, the Russian fleet under the command of A.G. Orlov and admirals G.A. Spiridov and I.S. Greig, leaving St. Petersburg, entered the Mediterranean Sea through Gibraltar and completely destroyed the Turkish squadron in Chesme Bay off the coast of Asia Minor. The Turkish fleet was blocked in the Black Sea.

In 1771, Russian troops under the command of Prince V.M. Dolgorukov captured Crimea, which meant the end of the war. However, Turkey, relying on the support of France and Austria and taking advantage of the internal difficulties of Russia, where the Peasant War was going on, disrupted the negotiations. Then in 1774 the Russian army crossed the Danube. Troops under the command of A.V. Suvorov defeated the army of the Grand Vizier near the village of Kozludzha, opening the way to Istanbul for the main forces led by P.A. Rumyantsev. Türkiye was forced to sue for peace.

It was concluded in the Bulgarian village of Kuchuk-Kainardzhi in 1774. Under the terms of the Kuchuk-Kainardzhi Peace, Russia received access to the Black Sea, the Black Sea steppes - Novorossiya, the right to have its own fleet in the Black Sea and the right of passage through the Bosporus and Dardanelles straits. Azov and Kerch, as well as Kuban and Kabarda passed to Russia. The Crimean Khanate became independent from Turkey. Türkiye paid an indemnity in the amount of 4 million rubles. The Russian government also achieved the right to act as a defender of legal rights Christian peoples Ottoman Empire.

Annexation of Crimea. Türkiye did not want to come to terms with Russia's assertion in the Black Sea. In response to Turkey's attempt to return Crimea to its rule, Russian troops in 1783 occupied the Crimean peninsula, which became part of Russia. Sevastopol was founded as a base for the fleet. For his success in annexing Crimea (the old name of Tauris), G. A. Potemkin received a prefix to his title “Prince of Tauride.”

In the spring of 1787, Catherine II, accompanied by the court, the Polish king and European ambassadors, made a trip to Novorossiya and Crimea. In Kherson they were joined by the Austrian Emperor Joseph II. The purpose of the trip was to get acquainted with the riches of Novorossiya and the successes of G. A. Potemkin, who headed the administration of the south of Russia, in its development. In addition, the guests had to make sure that Russia had a firm foot on the Black Sea. These results were achieved, although the expression “Potemkin villages,” meaning excessive display, came into use after Catherine’s trip.

Georgievsky Treaty. In 1783 in Georgievsk ( North Caucasus) an agreement was concluded between the Georgian king Heraclius II and Russia on a protectorate. The Treaty of Georgievsk was signed, according to which Russia accepted Eastern Georgia under its protection.

Russian-Turkish War 1787-1791. In the summer of 1787, Türkiye demanded the return of Crimea and opened military operations. A.V. Suvorov defeated the enemy in the battle of Kinburn (near Ochakov, 1787), Fokshanakh and on the Rymnik River (1789).

In 1791, peace was signed in the city of Iasi. According to the Treaty of Iasi, Türkiye recognized Crimea as Russian possession. The Dniester River became the border between the two countries. The territory between the Bug and Dniester rivers became part of Russia. Türkiye recognized Russian patronage of Georgia, established by the Treaty of Georgievsk in 1783.

As a result of the Russian-Turkish wars, the economic development of the steppe south of Russia accelerated. Russia's ties with the Mediterranean countries expanded. The Crimean Khanate was liquidated - a constant source of aggression against Ukrainian and Russian lands. Nikolaev (1789), Odessa (1795), Ekaterinodar (1793, now Krasnodar) and others were founded in the south of Russia.

Russo-Swedish War 1788-1790 At the end of the 80s of the XVIII century. Russia had to simultaneously conduct military operations on two fronts. In 1788, Sweden decided to return the lands lost in the Northern War. Military operations took place near St. Petersburg, when the main Russian armies fought in the south against Turkey. The Swedish offensive on land did not produce results, and soon the Swedish king and his troops left Russia. Moreover, Russian troops occupied a significant part of Swedish Finland. Battles at sea went on with varying degrees of success. In 1790, in a Finnish village on the Kymmen River, the Peace of Werel was signed, preserving the previous borders.

Education USA and Russia. One of the significant international events of the third Thursday of the 18th century. was the struggle of the North American colonies for independence from England - the bourgeois revolution that led to the creation of the United States of America.

Disagreements between England and Russia had a beneficial effect on the course of the American Revolution. In 1780, the Russian government adopted the “Declaration of Armed Neutrality”, supported by the majority European countries. Ships of neutral countries had the right of armed defense if they were attacked by a belligerent fleet. This resulted in England abandoning attempts to organize a naval blockade of the American coast and objectively contributed to the victory of the American Revolution.

Partitions of Poland. In the last third of the 18th century. The Polish question became one of the central issues in the field of international relations in Europe. The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was experiencing a severe crisis, the cause of which lay in the selfish, anti-national policies of the Polish magnates, who brought the country to collapse.

In 1772, the first partition of Poland took place. Austria sent its troops into Western Ukraine (Galicia), Prussia - into Pomerania. Russia received the eastern part of Belarus up to Minsk and part of the Latvian lands that were previously part of Livonia.

The progressive part of the Polish nobility and the emerging bourgeoisie made an attempt to save the Polish state. In accordance with the Constitution of 1791, the election of the king and the right of “liberum veto” were abolished. The army was strengthened, the third estate was allowed into the Sejm, and freedom of religion was introduced.

The new Polish Constitution was adopted when France was engulfed in the flames of revolution. Fearing the spread of the “revolutionary infection”, and also feeling the decline of their influence in the country, Polish magnates turned to Catherine II for help. Russian troops, and after them the Prussians, entered Poland. The old order was restored.

In 1793, the second partition of Poland took place. Central Belarus with Minsk and Right Bank Ukraine were transferred to Russia. Prussia received Gdansk and part of the lands along the Warta and Vistula rivers.

In 1794, Polish patriots under the leadership of Tadeusz Kosciuszko, who sought to preserve the sovereignty of Poland, rebelled. Catherine II suppressed it by sending troops under the command of A.V. Suvorov. This predetermined the third partition of Poland. In 1795, Prussia received Central Poland with Warsaw, and Austria received Southern Poland with Lublin and Krakow. Lithuania, Courland, Volyn and Western Belarus went to Russia. As a result of the partitions, Poland lost its statehood and sovereignty for more than a century. The Polish king abdicated the throne and moved to Russia.

The reunification of the Ukrainian and Belarusian peoples with Russia had enormous progressive significance. These lands were historically connected by a common economic, political and cultural life. The Ukrainian and Belarusian peoples received more favorable opportunities for their further development, were freed from religious oppression. Joining Russia helped Ukrainians and Belarusians maintain their national culture and identity. Within the framework of a single state, three fraternal Slavic people- Russians, Ukrainians and Belarusians.

Tsarism in the fight against the revolution in France. In 1789. happened in France bourgeois revolution. On July 14, the rebellious people of Paris stormed the Bastille. A bourgeois system was established in the country. The Great French Revolution had a huge impact on the entire course of world history. The entire 19th century passed under the sign of the French Revolution.

The fear of the “French infection,” “this terrible monster” (as the nobles called the revolution in France) forced Catherine II to take the most decisive measures to help the counter-revolutionaries. After the execution of King Louis XVI Russia broke off diplomatic and trade relations with France. The distribution of the works of French educators was prohibited. Together with England, an attempt was made to put economic pressure on France. Inside Russia, repression against progressive people intensified. It was at this time that A. N. Radishchev was exiled to Siberia, N. I. Novikov was arrested. In 1794, an uprising in Poland prevented Catherine II from openly speaking out against France. Polish events saved the French revolution.

Results of foreign policy. In general, the foreign policy results of the second half of the XVIII V. were positive for the further development of Russia and the peoples inhabiting it.

In Russia, unlike the colonial empires of Western Europe, which had overseas territories, the Russian population lived side by side with the peoples annexed to the empire. Joint work to develop the country's wealth objectively contributed to the rapprochement of peoples and made it possible to survive in the vast expanses of Eurasia. The dominant layer of the annexed lands was organically part of the Russian ruling elite. As a rule, the state almost did not interfere in the internal structure of small nations. The possibility of free movement across the vast territory of the country and its development led to the “cross-band” settlement of its inhabitants. This is how a single geopolitical space was formed on the territory of Eurasia.

The period of the reign of Empress Catherine II the Great is often called the golden age in the history of the Russian Empire.

The Empress’s personality is very contradictory: the people loved her and hated her at the same time. All positive and negative aspects The reign of Catherine II had a great impact on the social, political and cultural life of Russia.

Strengthening the position of the Russian Empire

Foreign policy Catherine II was aimed primarily at strengthening Russia’s position in the world community, as well as expanding the territories of the Empire. Catherine II deservedly considered herself a continuator of the policies of Peter the Great.

In foreign policy, Catherine II also looked up to Emperor Peter. She believed that the flourishing of the state would come only after the conquest of new territories and the establishment of rights to access to the sea.

Unlike Peter I, Catherine rarely resorted to violence and aggression in conducting foreign policy; she was more guided by diplomacy, cunning and calm.

Two Foreign Policy Objectives

During her reign, Catherine II managed to solve two major problems of her foreign policy - the movement of the southern border of the Empire, which resulted in access to the Black Sea and the solution of the national issue, the reunification of Ukrainian and Belarusian lands under the crown of the Russian Empire.

The period of the Empress’s accession to the throne coincided with the period of the end of the Seven Years’ War. Catherine managed to maintain the neutrality of Russia, so that in the future nothing would interfere with defending her territorial issues.

Catherine's main goal at that time was to place a king convenient for the Russian Empire on the Polish throne after the death of Augustus III.

After the accession to the throne of Augustus IV, Russia began to defend its national interests in Poland: issues that related to the protection of Orthodoxy, political problems connected by historical territories - the Right Bank of Ukraine and the lands of Belarus.

Naturally, this course of events did not suit France, which was terrified of strengthening the influence of the Russian throne in Europe. Through intrigue, she pushed Turkey into war with Russia in 1769.

Both confrontations were quite lengthy, but ended very successfully for Russia. Thanks to the successful sea voyages of the Russian flotilla, the Empire received a number of victories in Turkey and Europe.

Partition of Poland and victory over Turkey

The brilliant military campaigns of Rumyantsev and Dolgoruky were able to expand the territory of the Empire to the Danube and contributed to the independence of the Crimean Khan from Turkey.

As a result, in 1783, Crimea joined the Russian Empire. Catherine II's goal was achieved: she was able to expand the southern borders.

In 1772, due to the fact that Prussia and Austria, impressed by the successes of the army of the Russian Empire in Turkey and in order to avoid active hostilities, proposed to Catherine II to carry out the division of Poland, in exchange for peace, the Russian crown received the eastern part of Belarus.

The second partition of Poland took place in 1793, as a result of the Russian Empire the territories of central Belarus and Right Bank Ukraine were ceded.

The third partition of Poland returned Courland, Lithuania and the western part of Belarus to the Imperial crown.

Catherine inherited three main directions in foreign policy from her predecessors. The first of them is northern. The Swedes constantly sought to return the lands lost in the times of Peter the Great, but they were not successful: the zenith of the greatness of Sweden, achieved under Charles XII, was lost irretrievably under him. After the Northern War, the country could not restore its economic and human resources to a level sufficient for a successful war with Russia. This, however, did not exclude the presence in Stockholm of forces ready to take advantage of any opportunity to try their luck. St. Petersburg was well aware of the long-standing aspirations of the Swedes and was ready to fight back.

On south direction Since ancient times, the dream of the rulers of Russia was access to the shores of the warm Black Sea, which was dictated by the needs of the economy and defense of the country. Time has passed here Prut campaign decades brought significant adjustments to the balance of power: the Ottoman Empire was declining, many European powers looked greedily at its possessions, while Russia was at the peak of glory and power. Shyness before the Turks passed, and cautious defensive tactics were replaced by broad offensive plans and confidence in an early victory over the once formidable enemy. But it was impossible to defeat Turkey alone, and therefore, already in Peter’s time, Russia was looking for an alliance with Poland and Austria. The condition of the alliance with Austria was Russia's support for the so-called “pragmatic sanction” - a document according to which, after the death of Emperor Charles VI (he died in 1740), the throne was to pass to his daughter Maria Theresa. The Austrian government was so interested in supporting the “pragmatic sanction” that it was ready to make any concessions for this. The alliance with Austria brought Russia into conflict with Prussia in the Seven Years' War.

The third direction was also traditional - the Polish one, reflecting Russia’s desire to unite within the Empire all lands inhabited by closely related Russian peoples - Ukrainians and Belarusians. In the 18th century The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth experienced approximately the same difficult times as the Ottoman Empire. While its neighbors developed industry and trade, created powerful armed forces and strong absolutist regimes, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth could not overcome the separatism of the magnates, eliminate political chaos (liberum veto, etc.), and became easy prey for its neighbors: Prussia, Austria and Russia. Already under Peter I, Russia, without hesitation, began to use methods of forceful pressure against Poland, which from that time on became common in Russian-Polish relations. The Russian Empire used the weakness of the Polish state to constantly interfere in its internal affairs and counter the strengthening of this country. Poland was essentially becoming a toy in the hands of Russia, which Catherine II was well aware of.

International situation Russian Empire at the time of Catherine II's accession to the throne, it was far from simple. The diplomatic successes of Elizabeth's reign, supported by the courage of Russian soldiers on the battlefields of the Seven Years' War, were virtually nullified by the impulsive policies of Peter III. The old foreign policy doctrine was destroyed, and the new one was no good. The financial situation was also difficult; The tired army had not received pay for eight months. However, other countries were no less weakened as a result of the war and they also had to redefine the directions of their foreign policy. In other words, Catherine II had a rare opportunity, almost without regard to the past, to re-develop her own foreign policy course. At the same time, Russia had certain advantages compared to other countries - it was the winner of the war, its army was still in Europe and at any moment could turn around again on a march. It is no coincidence that the news of the coup in St. Petersburg on June 28, 1762 plunged the European courts, especially the Prussian one, into a state of shock. The weakness of others gave Catherine strength; foreign diplomats noticed that from the first days of her reign she began to treat them proudly and arrogantly. This independent tone of the empress in dealing with foreigners impressed her closest circle, forming a sharp contrast with the manner of Peter III, who curried favor with Prussia.

The first period of Catherine's foreign policy (1762 - 1774)

Catherine II began her foreign policy activities by returning home the Russian troops stationed abroad, confirming peace with Prussia, but rejecting the military alliance concluded with her by Peter III. After this, the attention of the Prussian government was drawn to Courland - a small duchy on the territory of modern Latvia, formally under the authority of the Polish crown, but with autonomy rights and an elected duke at its head. Catherine set the goal of annexing Courland to Russia and therefore considered it necessary to place her protégé on the ducal throne, who was not connected with any relations with the Polish king. Her candidate was Biron, Anna Ioannovna’s favorite, elected Duke of Courland back in 1739. (Since 1741, he had been in exile, from where he was released by Peter III.) In carrying out her plans, Catherine II demonstrated toughness and determination, as if showing the whole world, what its foreign policy will be. To ensure Biron's crown, Russian troops were brought into Courland; as a result, a situation so favorable for Russia developed that Courland could already have become part of Russia in 1762. But Catherine also wanted to show herself as a fair ruler, so she wisely satisfied herself with what she had achieved, making Biron her vassal and ensuring the future entry of Courland into the empire (finally in 1795).

In the same 1762, Catherine decided to place her protege on the Polish throne. We had to wait until October 1763, when King Augustus II (also a Russian protege) died and Russia immediately took decisive action. New task, however, was more complex, and to solve it it was necessary to secure the non-interference of other European powers. In March 1764, a new treaty of alliance was signed with Prussia, according to which the parties agreed on joint actions in order to preserve the existing political system which made it possible to influence Polish politics.

The alliance with Prussia ensured the non-interference of Austria and France, who had their own candidates for the Polish throne. Russia's intentions were again reinforced by the introduction of Russian troops, as a result of which in August 1764 Catherine's former favorite Stanislav Poniatowski was elected king of Poland. This was a great victory, but only at first glance, since it was after these events that Russia became bogged down in Polish problems for a long time.

The powerful party of the Czartoryski princes, whose nephew was the newly elected king, sought to change the political system of Poland by introducing a hereditary monarchy, and in return for Russian support promised to improve the situation of Polish Orthodox Christians, the so-called dissidents. As a result, the country found itself in a very difficult situation: public opinion in Russia itself had long insisted on helping dissidents, but agreeing with the Czartoryski plans meant changing the basic principles of their policy in Poland. As a result, Russia lost the support of a serious political force in Poland, and in 1768 the so-called Bar Confederation of Polish magnates came out against it, to fight which Russian troops were again brought into Poland under the command of A.V. Suvorov. And although Suvorov’s actions were generally successful, the solution to the Polish problem was only delayed.

Meanwhile, Russia's active actions in Poland began to increasingly worry Austria and France. Their anxiety was also intensified by the “northern system” of treaties between Russia and the Protestant states of Europe, conceived by N. I. Panin, the head of Russian foreign policy at that time, aimed at strengthening Russia’s leading role in world politics. It was necessary to divert Russia's attention from European problems, and this was achieved as a result of complex intrigue, when France and Austria managed to induce Turkey to declare war on Russia (autumn 1768). By this time, Catherine II had reigned for more than five years, but Russia was not yet sufficiently prepared for the war and entered it without much enthusiasm, especially since the military conflict with Turkey evoked unpleasant memories.

Entering the war with Turkey (1768 - 1774), the Russian government identified as the main goal the acquisition of the right to freedom of navigation in the Black Sea, the acquisition of a convenient port on the Black Sea coast, and the establishment of secure borders with Poland. The beginning of the war turned out quite well for Russia. Already in the spring of 1769, Russian troops occupied Azov and Taganrog, and at the end of April they defeated two large formations of Turkish troops near Khotin, although the fortress itself was captured only in September. At the same time, in September-October 1769, Moldavia was liberated from the Turks, and Catherine began to call herself the Moldavian princess. In November, Russian troops took Bucharest. The Russian corps sent to Georgia also fought successfully. Finally, on June 24 - 26, 1770, the Russian fleet under the command of A.G. Orlov and Admiral G.A. Spiridov won a complete victory over the Turkish fleet, which was almost twice as large as him, in Chesme Bay. The Turks lost 15 battleships, 6 frigates and up to 50 small ships - almost their entire fleet. The Chesma victory made a great impression on Europe and served to strengthen the glory of Russian weapons.

A short time later, equally brilliant victories were won by the ground forces. In early July, the Russian army under the command of P. A. Rumyantsev defeated the combined forces of the Turks and Crimean Tatars at the confluence of the Larga River and the Prut. The Turks left more than 1000 people on the battlefield, the Russians lost only 29 people killed. On July 21, the famous battle began on the Cahul River, where Rumyantsev’s 17,000-strong detachment managed to defeat nearly 80,000 enemy forces.

In July - October 1770, the fortresses of Izmail, Kilia, and Akkerman surrendered to Russian troops. In September, General P.I. Panin took Bendery. In 1771, Russian troops under the command of Prince V.M. Dolgoruky entered Crimea and within several months captured its main points.

It seemed that everything was going well, but the real state of affairs was difficult. Firstly, the war simultaneously in Poland (with the Bar Confederation), in Moldova, Crimea and the Caucasus required an enormous effort and placed an almost unbearable burden on Russia. Secondly, it became clear that the European powers would not allow Russia to become significantly stronger at the expense of Turkey, and therefore there was no hope of retaining and annexing all the lands captured during the war. Already from 1770, Russia was feeling the ground for concluding peace, but Turkey, actively supported by Austria, did not want to make any agreements. Austria was prompted to abandon support for Turkey only by its participation in the first partition of Poland in 1772.

The idea of ​​making money at the expense of Poland arose in the first years of the reign of Catherine II. Prussia repeatedly made similar proposals in the 60s. However, for the time being, Russia hoped to gain the territories of Lithuania and Belarus, which were considered originally Russian, while maintaining a nominally independent Poland as a buffer between Russia and Prussia. But when the war with the Confederates, supported by the Austrian side, became protracted, the need for an agreement with Austria became clear in order to immediately resolve both the Polish and Turkish problems.

Under these conditions, the agreement on the division of Poland was born, signed on July 25, 1772, according to which Russia received the Polish part of Livonia, as well as Polotsk, Vitebsk, Mstislav and part of the Minsk voivodeships; Galicia (now Western Ukraine) went to Austria, Pomeranian, Chelm and Malbork voivodeships, part of Greater Poland and Bazmia went to Prussia.

At first glance, Russia's share was the most significant: it acquired territories measuring 92 thousand square meters. km. with a population of 1 million 300 thousand people. But in reality, in strategic and economic terms, Russia’s production was quite modest, because in the hands of Austria, for example, such an important economic and shopping mall, like Lviv, and in the hands of Prussia - areas with the most developed agriculture. True, Russia for a long time retained what was left of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in its sphere of influence: until 1788, the Polish king could do practically nothing without the permission of the Russian ambassador in Warsaw. In 1776, King Stanislaw August Poniatowski, with the consent of Russia, carried out some reforms aimed at strengthening Polish statehood, which stabilized the situation and allowed the withdrawal of Russian troops from Poland in 1780.

In 1774, after long negotiations, Russia managed to make peace with Turkey. According to the Kuchuk-Kainardzhi Treaty (named after the village where peace was concluded), Russia finally received the right to free passage of its ships through the Bosphorus and Dardanelles straits, the fortresses of Kerch and Yenikale, and a significant indemnity. Turkey pledged to restore the autonomy of Moldova and Wallachia, not to oppress the Orthodox Christians in Transcaucasia, and also recognized the independence of Crimea, which, according to the plan of the Russian government, was supposed to ensure its future entry into the Russian Empire.

The second period of Catherine's foreign policy (1775 - 1796)

The Kuchuk-Kainardzhi peace ended the first period of Catherine II’s foreign policy; the next one (70-90s) was also marked by serious successes in the diplomatic and military spheres. The balance of power in the foreign policy arena at this time changed somewhat.

The lands acquired by Russia under an agreement with Turkey were wedged between the possessions of the Ottoman Empire, Poland and the Crimean Khanate, which in itself made new clashes inevitable. It was clear that Russia would continue to strive to gain a foothold in the Northern Black Sea region, and Turkey would resist this in every possible way. Indeed, emboldened by internal turmoil in Russia, the Turks significantly strengthened the garrisons of their fortresses on the northern coast of the Black Sea, flooded the Crimea and Kuban with agents, and the Turkish fleet demonstrated its power near the Crimean shores. At the same time, Türkiye was counting on the support of European powers - opponents of Russia, and primarily England. However, in 1775, England began a protracted war with the North American colonies and was even forced to turn to Russia with a request to provide it with 20 thousand Russian soldiers to fight the rebels. Catherine, hesitating, refused, but closely followed the development of the conflict, trying to use it to her advantage.

Meanwhile, in December 1774, a coup d’etat took place in Crimea, as a result of which Devlet-Girey found himself on the khan’s throne, trying to establish contact with both Turkey and Russia. However, the Russian government needed an unambiguous supporter in Crimea, such as Shagin-Girey. To elevate him to the Khan's throne in the spring of 1776, Russian troops began to prepare for the invasion of Crimea.

Support for Russia's actions in Crimea was ensured by the strengthening of the alliance with Prussia, a new agreement with which was signed in August 1776, and already in November the Russians entered Crimea. In March of the following year, the treaty of friendship with Prussia was extended, and in April Shagin-Girey was elevated to the khan's throne. When a rebellion broke out against him less than a year later, it was suppressed, again with the help of Russian troops.

Simultaneously with these events, a new conflict broke out between Austria and Prussia in the center of Europe, this time over Bavaria, which the Austrian Emperor Joseph tried to annex to his possessions. Prussia requested Russian help, and Austria turned to France. The latter was on the verge of war with England and therefore was not interested in fanning a military fire on the continent. And when in the summer of 1778 the war between Austria and Prussia began, and the Turks at the same time undertook unsuccessful attempt landing in Crimea, France offered its mediation in resolving both conflicts. Prussia agreed to this proposal on the condition that Russia would be the second mediator. Thus, the Russian government had a unique opportunity to significantly strengthen its position in the international arena.

In March 1779, a peace congress opened in Teshen, which was actually chaired by the Russian envoy, Prince N.V. Repnin. In May, the congress ended with the signing of the Peace of Teshen, which became a serious success for Russian diplomacy. According to this agreement, Russia was called not only a mediator, but also a guarantor of peace, which made it possible to freely interfere in German affairs. Equally important was the achieved mutual understanding with France, relations with which for a long time, during the reign of Elizabeth Petrovna, remained cool. With the mediation of France, a Russian-Turkish agreement was signed - an “explanatory convention” that confirmed the independence of Crimea and the rights of Shagin-Girey to the khan’s throne.

In 1780, Russia came up with an important international initiative: the famous Declaration of Armed Neutrality was prepared, according to which ships of neutral countries not involved in military conflicts had the right to defend themselves if attacked. The declaration was directed against England, which was trying to prevent the development of Russian maritime trade with its opponents. Soon Sweden, Denmark, Holland and Prussia joined the Declaration. In fact, an anti-British coalition was created, which, without interfering in the war with the North American colonies, essentially provided serious support to the United States. At the same time, the idea of ​​the so-called was born in Russian government circles. Greek project.

The essence of the “Greek project” was the restoration of the Byzantine Empire with its capital in Constantinople and with the second grandson of Catherine II, Konstantin Pavlovich, on the imperial throne. In fact, the Grand Duke, born in April 1779, received his very name in accordance with this project. At the festival in honor of his birth, Greek poetry was recited; For the celebration, a medal was minted with the image of the Church of Hagia Sophia in Constantinople. This development of Russian foreign policy doctrine was dictated by the very logic of events.

Confidence in the possibility of implementing the project was given by Russia's new position in the international arena, gained as a result of successes at the Teschen Congress. But in order to put the plans into practice, it was necessary to return to the alliance with Austria, which was not particularly difficult, since all possible benefits from the alliance with Prussia had already been extracted. The first step towards rapprochement with Austria was taken in the spring of 1780, when during Catherine’s trip to the western provinces she met with Emperor Joseph. It was then that, to the satisfaction of both monarchs, an agreement was reached on an anti-Turkish alliance, including, at least in general outline, and the “Greek project”. A year later, Catherine II and Joseph II exchanged messages with mutual obligations in the event of war with Turkey, as well as to preserve the political regime in Poland. This exchange of letters, invented by Catherine, was a novelty in international relations, making it possible to keep agreements secret. At the same time, an exchange of letters took place directly on the project of restoring the Greek Empire. However, no official agreement on the “Greek project” was ever concluded. The plan was too bold to be made public. In essence, this project was Russia’s long-term goal, the empress’s dream, and in many ways served as the basis for its foreign policy doctrine. Events were not long in coming.

Already at the beginning of the 1789s, the situation in Crimea deteriorated again, the throne of Shagin-Girey began to shake, and in the spring of 1782. Khan was forced to flee to Kerch under the protection of Russian troops. Turkey was already preparing to place its protege on the Khan’s throne when Catherine gave G. A. Potemkin the order to introduce Russian troops into Crimea. After Shagin-Girey was restored to the throne, the troops did not leave this time. And a few months later, having received the full support of Austria and putting an end to the hesitations, on April 8, 1783, Catherine signed a manifesto on “accepting the Crimean peninsula, Taman island and the entire Kuban side under the Russian state.”

The annexation of Crimea became possible, of course, thanks to the political assistance of Austria and the non-interference of other European powers, which, not being interested in the Russian-Turkish conflict at that time, tried their best to persuade Turkey to come to terms. Meanwhile, the annexation carried out difficulties. In the summer of 1783, there was an uprising of the Nogais living in the Kuban region. But already in August, a Russian detachment of 1000 people under the command of A.V. Suvorov inflicted a heavy defeat on the Nogais who outnumbered him. The Russians' hidden maneuver took the enemy by surprise. In October 1783, at the mouth of the Laba River, the Nogais were completely defeated, which finally completed the annexation of Kuban to Russia.

By this time, the borders of the Russian Empire came very close to the Caucasus. The peoples living here found themselves squeezed on three sides by Russia, Turkey and Iran, which made the existence of small independent kingdoms almost impossible. It was clear that in the upcoming military clash between Russia and Turkey, the Caucasus could be a theater of military operations, but before that, the mountaineers had to choose one side or the other. The events of recent years have shown that it was more profitable to join Russia as a stronger power. It was also important that the peoples of Georgia and Armenia who professed Orthodoxy (or Gregorianism close to it) received guaranteed protection from religious oppression in the event of joining Russia. As a result of negotiations between the Russian government and representatives of the Kartli-Kakheti king Irakli II, on July 24, 1783, the Treaty of Georgievsk was signed, according to which the Kartli-Kakheti kingdom came under the protector of Russia, which guaranteed its inviolability and territorial integrity. According to the secret articles of the treaty, two battalions of Russian troops were sent to Tbilisi (Tiflis).

The next few years in Russian diplomacy were marked by activity aimed at strengthening its position. At the same time, as a result of further rapprochement with Austria and partly with France, tension in relations with Prussia and England increased. In January 1787, Catherine II, accompanied by the court and foreign diplomats, set off on her famous journey to Crimea. The trip was primarily of international significance: in Crimea, the empress was supposed to meet with the Austrian emperor and the Polish king and demonstrate to them Russian power, frightening Turkey with this demonstration. G. A. Potemkin was appointed the main organizer of the entire event. It is with Catherine’s journey to Crimea that the well-known expression “Potemkin villages” is associated. It is believed that Potemkin allegedly built grandiose decorations along the road, depicting non-existent villages. In fact, he only followed the custom of his time to decorate court festivities, but the real villages were decorated so magnificently that spectators began to doubt their authenticity. All this magnificent decoration, combined with the demonstration of regiments of the Russian army, Tatar and Kalmyk cavalry and the Black Sea fleet, made an indelible impression on foreigners. In Kherson, Catherine II, together with Emperor Joseph II, was present at the launching of three ships, which was left with all possible pomp.

Throughout Potemkin's grandiose staging, the idea of ​​a great empire, the heir of Byzantium, was invariably present and even dominated. Thus, the gate installed at the entrance to Kherson was designed as a road to Byzantium, and the cities newly built in Novorossiya were given Greek names (Sevastopol, Simferopol, etc.). The presence of Joseph II at the celebrations emphasized the unity of the plans of Vienna and St. Petersburg. However, they had to start implementing them earlier than expected. Already in mid-July 1787, the Russian ambassador in Istanbul was presented with an ultimatum with obviously impossible demands, including the return of Crimea, and then it was announced that all previously concluded treaties would be broken. This was the beginning of a new Russian-Turkish war (1787 - 1791).

Russia entered the war without having time to complete preparations for it: the army units were not staffed, the construction of the Black Sea Fleet was not completed, and food and equipment warehouses were almost empty. However, on September 7, 1787, Catherine signed a manifesto on war; G.A. was appointed commander-in-chief of the Russian army. Potemkin. He also exercised direct leadership of the main Yekaterinoslav army, numbering up to 82 thousand people. The second army, half the size in number, was led by P. A. Rumyantsev. In addition, a 12,000-strong detachment was supposed to operate in the Caucasus, and the Don Cossacks covered Kuban.

Already at the beginning of the war, the Turks intended to land large troops in the Crimea and the mouth of the Dnieper, and conduct the main offensive in Moldova. In October 1787, the Turkish fleet blocked the mouth of the Dnieper and landed a 6,000-strong detachment on the Kinburn Spit. Here a detachment of Russian troops under the command of A.V. was waiting for him. Suvorov. A battle took place (October 1) during which the landing force was destroyed. The victory on the Kinburn Spit at the very beginning of the war was extremely important for the Russian army, but not everything worked out so well. Back in September, the Russian Sevastopol fleet was defeated by a storm, as a result of which the siege of the Ochakov fortress by the Russian army dragged on for a long time, and it was taken only in December 1788. The actions of Austria, which entered the war, were ineffective, and there was no need to count on its special help. Meanwhile, the slowness and indecision of the allies were taken for weakness, and in the summer of 1788, pushed by England and Prussia, Sweden (1788 - 1790), which had been dreaming of revenge since the time of the Peace of Nystadt, got involved in the war with Russia. The decisive naval battle off the island of Gogland took place on July 6. Both fleets were pretty battered. Russian sailors under the command of Admiral S. K. Greig captured the Swedish 70-gun ship Prince Gustav, and the Swedes captured the same Russian ship Vladislav. However, since the Swedes retreated first, victory remained with the Russians. Deprived of naval support, the Swedish ground forces acted unsuccessfully in 1789, and the following year Sweden was forced to make peace. The year 1789 turned out to be decisive in the Russian-Turkish war; it was marked by new brilliant victories. On July 21, 1789, 5 thousand Russians and 12 thousand Austrians, united under the command of Suvorov, stormed the fortified Turkish camp at Focshan, defeating the 30 thousand-strong Turkish corps of Mustafa Pasha. A month and a half later, having completed a rapid march of one hundred miles in two days, Suvorov on September 11 inflicted another crushing defeat on the Turks at the Rymnik River. For this battle, Suvorov was awarded the title of count with the honorary name Rymniksky. In the next few months of 1789, Russian troops took Akkerman and Bendery, and Austrian troops took Belgrade and Bucharest. However, the international situation as a whole was unfavorable for Austria and Russia. Russia was opposed in Europe by Sweden, and Austria by Prussia. There was no need to count on the support of France, where a revolution took place in July 1789. Prussia, meanwhile, intensified its diplomatic efforts and concluded treaties with Poland and Turkey. In March 1790, Emperor Joseph II died, his successor Leopold II, fearing war with Prussia, was forced to conclude an agreement with Turkey to cease hostilities. Russia was essentially left alone with its opponents.

At that time, in Russian court circles there were different points of view about the prospects for continuing the war: however, Catherine II correctly calculated that Prussia would ultimately not decide on an open clash with Russia, and England’s attention would be occupied by events in France. By the end of 1790, the Russian army won a number of new convincing victories over the Turks, the most brilliant of which was the capture of Izmail on December 11, 1790, a fortress that the Turks considered impregnable.

Turkish troops were also defeated in the North Caucasus. Finally, on July 31, 1791, the Russian fleet under the command of F.F. Ushakov defeated the Turks at Cape Kaliakria. On the same day, a truce was signed with Turkey, which had asked for mercy, and at the end of December 1791, the long-awaited Peace of Iasi, according to which Turkey finally recognized the annexation of Crimea, and the new border between the two countries was determined along the Dniester.

Meanwhile, throughout the Russian-Turkish war, the Polish problem constantly worsened. Back in 1787, King Stanislav August undertook another attempt strengthen Polish statehood through internal political reforms. In exchange for supporting these reforms, he offered Russia assistance in the fight against Turkey, but Prussia opposed the conclusion of the agreement being prepared. Meanwhile, the Sejm, called the Four-Year Sejm, gathered, which, according to the plan of Stanislav August, was supposed to approve the strengthening of royal power. However, the strong anti-royal opposition in the Sejm achieved a reorientation of Polish policy from Russia to Prussia, which resulted in the aforementioned Polish-Prussian treaty of 1790. The Sejm adopted a number of important decisions, the most significant of which was the constitution of May 3, 1791.

Catherine II was alarmed and angry by the news of the Polish constitution, since it violated the established world order, and the strengthening of Poland’s independence did not suit Russia in any way. Having waited for the settlement of Austro-Prussian and Russian-Turkish relations, Catherine again sent troops to Poland. The campaign was short-lived, and by the summer of 1792 the Russian army controlled the entire territory of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. In December, St. Petersburg gave a positive response to Prussia’s proposal for a new division of Poland, officially announced in April of the following 1793. The result of the division was that Prussia received a territory of 38 thousand square meters. km. since Gdansk, Torun, Poznan. The Russian Empire increased its holdings by 250 thousand square meters. km. at the expense of the territories of the East. Belarus and Right Bank Ukraine.

The second partition of Poland gave rise to a large-scale patriotic movement led by Tadeusz Kosciuszko. At first, the rebels managed to achieve some success, but their cause was doomed when A.V. took command of the Russian troops. Suvorov. Having defeated the Kosciuszko uprising, the European powers carried out the third partition of Poland in October 1795. Austria received another 47 thousand square meters. km of Polish lands with the city of Lublin, Prussia - 48 thousand square meters. km. with Warsaw, and Russia - 120 thousand square meters. km, including Western Volyn, Lithuania, Courland. The third partition of Poland put an end to Polish statehood, which was revived only in 1918.

The results of the foreign policy activities of Catherine II

The foreign policy activities of Catherine II in the last years of her reign were largely determined by the revolutionary events in France. At first, these events caused the empress something like schadenfreude, since she always treated political regime France is very critical, and its Order of the Statutory Commission during the reign of Louis XVI was even prohibited for distribution there. Information about events in France was regularly published in Russian newspapers, and the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen was published, the main ideas of which coincided with the ideas of the Order. However, by 1792, the empress increasingly began to perceive French events as a rebellion against the very idea of ​​power and saw in them a danger to monarchical Europe. Catherine actively participated in building the anti-French coalition and helped French emigrants, especially after receiving news of the execution of the king and queen in early 1793. However, until the death of Catherine, the Russian army did not directly participate in military operations against France. The Empress hoped to involve Austria and Prussia in French affairs in order to free her hands to carry out her own plans.

Assessing Catherine’s foreign policy as a whole, it should be recognized that, in full accordance with the very spirit of the era, its basic ideas, as well as the specific circumstances of the international situation, this policy had a pronounced imperial character and was distinguished by expansionism, neglect of the interests of other peoples, and to a certain extent, aggressiveness. Catherine II successfully continued and triumphantly completed the creation of the Russian Empire as a great world power, begun by Peter I. The foreign policy results of Catherine's 34-year stay on the throne were significant territorial acquisitions and the final consolidation of Russia's status as a great power. The country began to play one of the leading roles in world politics, allowing it to influence the resolution of almost any international issue in its own interests. All this made it possible in the 19th century to further expand the borders of the empire. Essentially, it was during Catherine’s era that a “single and indivisible” empire was created with inexhaustible human and economic resources and endless expanses that absorbed any conqueror. It was a multinational state with a unique ethnic, economic, cultural, natural and social appearance.

The brilliant victories of Russian commanders of Catherine’s time on land and at sea contributed to the formation national identity, which, however, was inseparable at this time from the imperial consciousness.

The successes of Catherine's reign in foreign policy were highly appreciated by both contemporaries and several generations of descendants, but from a historical perspective, much of this legacy turned into serious problems for Russia and its peoples. Firstly, the empire developed as a unitary state with a strong central government, which essentially ensured its longevity, since only a strong central government was able to keep this huge country in obedience. At the same time, they gradually began to look at the empire itself as the highest value, and to see concern for its preservation as the most important patriotic duty. It is obvious that the interests of both individuals and individual nations were ignored. The infringement of national interests extended to all the peoples inhabiting the empire, including the Russians - the people of the metropolis, who not only did not receive any benefits from this position, but also bore on their shoulders the main burdens of ensuring the viability of the country. However, the colonialist policy of the government was associated for the peoples of the empire precisely with the Russian people, which contributed to the incitement of national hatred.

Secondly, Russia’s active participation in the partitions of Poland for the next two centuries determined the development of Russian-Polish relations and turned them into the most important factor in Russian foreign policy, because international stability began to largely depend on the relationships of the powers participating in the partitions. The Polish people could not come to terms with the destruction of their statehood, and throughout the 19th century. The Russian government was repeatedly forced to use military force to suppress Polish uprisings. This was again done by the hands of Russian soldiers, which naturally gave rise to strong anti-Russian sentiments in Poland. It should be mentioned that the emergence of the Jewish question in Russia is also connected with the partitions of Poland.

wiki.304.ru / History of Russia. Dmitry Alkhazashvili.

", "Boyar Duma Ancient Rus'", on the history of serfdom, estates, finance, historiography.

The human personality, human society, the nature of the country - these are the three main historical forces, “who are building a human hostel...”.

There were few events in Klyuchevsky's life. One of the historian’s aphorisms: “The main biographical facts are books, the most important events are thoughts.”

He studied at the Faculty of History and Philology of Moscow University. CM. Solovyov was his scientific supervisor. Klyuchevsky was the best lecturer during the entire period of existence of historical education in Russia.

At the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth centuries, Klyuchevsky gradually moved away from teaching activities and devotes all his strength to the creation of his main work, which put his name on a par with the names of Karamzin and Solovyov. The “Course of Russian History” was the result of all his scientific and teaching activities. The author set himself the task of covering a gigantic period from ancient times to the eve of the reform of 1861.

This abstract presents the view of V.O. Klyuchevsky. for one of the key periods of Russian history - the reign of Catherine II.

1. Catherine's position II on the throne

The century of our history, begun by the king-carpenter, ended with the empress-writer. Catherine had to smooth out the impression of a coup through which she came to the throne and justify the illegal appropriation of power.

Catherine made a double takeover: she took power from her husband and did not transfer it to her son, the natural heir of his father. There were rumors in the guard that were alarming for Catherine about the enthronement of Ivanushka, as the former Emperor Ivan VI was called, and also about why Tsarevich Paul was not crowned. It was even rumored in society that in order to consolidate her position on the throne, it would not hurt for Catherine to marry the former emperor. Catherine saw him soon after her accession to the throne and ordered him to be persuaded to take monastic vows. In the guard, circles and “parties” were formed, however, they did not have time to form a conspiracy (not everyone, even the participants in the coup, were satisfied with it, as they were not awarded enough). Catherine was especially alarmed in 1764 by the crazy attempt of the army second lieutenant Mirovich to free Ivanushka from the Shlisselburg fortress and proclaim him emperor - an attempt that ended in the murder of a prisoner who had gone crazy in captivity, a terrible victim of the iniquities, the nursery of which was the Russian throne after the death of Peter I.

Catherine was not so much the culprit as the instrument of the coup: weak, young, lonely in a foreign land, on the eve of divorce and imprisonment she surrendered into the hands of people who wanted to save her, and after the coup she could still not control anything. These people, now surrounding Catherine, led by the five Orlov brothers who had been granted counts, were in a hurry to reap the fruits of the “great incident,” as they called the June affair. They were strikingly lacking in education. They were not content with the awards they received, with the fact that Catherine gave them up to 18 thousand souls of peasants and up to 200 thousand rubles (at least 1 million in our money) of one-time dachas, not counting lifelong pensions. They besieged the empress, imposed their opinions and interests on her, sometimes directly asking for money. Catherine had to get along with these people. It was unpleasant and untidy, but not particularly difficult. She used her usual means, her inimitable ability to listen patiently and respond affectionately; when in a difficult situation, Catherine needed a little time and patience so that her supporters would have time to come to their senses and begin to have a proper relationship with her. It was much more difficult to justify the new government in the eyes of the people. Far from the capital, the deep masses of the people did not experience the personal charm of the empress, content with dark rumors and a simple fact that could be understood from popular manifestos: there was Emperor Peter III, but his wife, the empress, overthrew him and put him in prison, where he soon died.

These masses, which had long been in a state of ferment, could only be calmed by measures of justice and common benefit that were tangible for everyone.

2. Catherine II program

The popular activities of the new government had to simultaneously follow the national, liberal and class-noble directions. But this triple task suffered from internal contradiction. After the law of February 18, the nobility became contrary to all popular interests and even the transformative needs of the state. Whether for reasons of flexible thought or according to the instructions of experience and observation, Catherine found a way out of the inconveniences of her program. She divided the tasks and carried out each one in a special area of ​​government activity.

National interests and feelings received wide scope in foreign policy, which was given full speed. A broad reform of regional administration and court was undertaken according to the plans of the then leading publicists of Western Europe, but mainly with the native goal of occupying the idle nobility and strengthening its position in the state and society . The liberal ideas of the century were also given their own area. The triple task developed into the following practical program: a strictly national, boldly patriotic foreign policy, complacently liberal, possibly humane methods of government, complex and harmonious regional institutions with the participation of the three estates, salon, literary and pedagogical propaganda of the educational ideas of the time, and a cautious but consistently conservative legislation with special attention to the interests of one class.

The main idea of ​​the program can be expressed as follows: the permissive dissemination of the ideas of the century and the legislative consolidation of the facts of the place.

3. Foreign policy of Catherine II

Foreign policy is the most brilliant aspect of Catherine’s state activity, which made the strongest impression on her contemporaries and immediate descendants. When they want to say the best that can be said about this reign, they talk about the victorious wars with Turkey, about the Polish partitions, about Catherine’s commanding voice in the international relations of Europe.

After the Peace of Nystadt, when Russia became firmly established in the Baltic Sea, two foreign policy issues remained on the agenda, one territorial, the other national. The first was to push the southern border of the state to its natural limits, to the northern coastline of the Black Sea with Crimea and the Sea of ​​Azov and to the Caucasus range. This eastern question in its historical production at that time. Then it was necessary to complete the political unification of the Russian people, reuniting the western part, which had been separated from it, with Russia. This Western Russian question .

Count Panin N.I. and his system

They expected the imminent death of the Polish king Augustus III. For Russia, it didn’t matter who would be king, but Catherine had a candidate whom she wanted to see through at all costs. This was Stanislav Poniatowski, a veil born for the boudoir, and not for any throne. This candidacy entailed a string of temptations and difficulties... Finally, the entire course of foreign policy had to be abruptly turned around. Until then, Russia maintained an alliance with Austria, which was joined by France during the Seven Years' War.

At first, after her accession to the throne, still poorly understanding matters, Catherine asked the opinions of her advisers about the peace with Prussia concluded under Peter III. The advisers did not recognize this peace as useful for Russia and spoke in favor of renewing the alliance with Austria. A.P. also stood for this. Bestuzhev - Ryumin, whose opinion she especially valued at that time. But a younger diplomat, a student and opponent of his system, Count N.I., stood next to him. Panin, teacher of Grand Duke Paul.

He was not only for peace, but directly for an alliance with Frederick, proving that without his assistance nothing could be achieved in Poland. Catherine stood strong for some time: she did not want to be an ally of the king, whom she publicly called the villain of Russia in the July manifesto, but Panin prevailed and for a long time became Catherine’s closest collaborator in foreign policy. The alliance treaty with Prussia was signed on March 31, 1764, when election campaigning was underway in Poland following the death of King Augustus III. But this union was only an integral part of the planned complex system of international relations. After Panin’s death, Catherine complained that she had suffered enough with him, as with a lazy person, at first Turkish war. She was a white-handed diplomat, an idyllic diplomat. Panin became the conductor of an international combination unprecedented in Europe. According to his project, the northern non-Catholic states, including Catholic Poland, were united for mutual support, to protect the weak by the strong. Its “active” members are Russia, Prussia and England. “Passive” - Sweden, Denmark, Poland, Saxony and other small states that had a desire to join the union. The combat purpose of the alliance is direct opposition to the southern alliance (Austro-Franco-Spanish). All that was required of the “passive” states was that in the event of clashes between both alliances they should not pester the southern one and remain neutral. This was the northern system that was sensational in its time. It's easy to notice her discomfort. It was difficult for states so diversely structured as autocratic Russia, constitutionally aristocratic England, soldier-monarchist Prussia and republican-anarchist Poland to act together and harmoniously. In addition, the members of the union had too few common interests and the northern system was not formalized in any international act.

Since childhood, independent and inquisitive Catherine II managed to carry out a real revolution in Russia. In 1744, she was summoned by the Empress to St. Petersburg. There, Catherine converted to Orthodoxy and became the bride of Prince Peter Fedorovich.

Fight for the throne

The future empress tried in every possible way to win the favor of her husband, his mother and the people. Catherine spent a lot of time studying books on economics, law, and history, which influenced her worldview. When Peter III ascended the throne, his relationship with his wife developed into mutual hostility. At this time, Catherine began to prepare a conspiracy. On her side were the Orlovs, K.G. Razumovsky. N.I. Panin and others. In June 1762, when the emperor was not in St. Petersburg, Catherine entered the barracks of the Izmailovsky regiment and was declared an autocratic ruler. After long requests for negotiations, her husband abdicated the throne in writing. The domestic and foreign policy of Catherine II began its development.

Features of the board

Catherine II was able to surround herself with talented and extraordinary personalities. She strongly supported interesting ideas that could be profitably used for their own purposes. The empress behaved tactfully and reservedly with her subjects, and had the gift of listening to her interlocutor. But Catherine II loved power and could go to any extremes just to keep it.

The Empress supported Orthodox Church, but did not abandon the use of religion in politics. She allowed the construction of Protestant and Catholic churches, and even mosques. But conversion from Orthodoxy to another religion was still punished.

Catherine 2 (briefly)

The Empress chose three postulates on which her activities were based: consistency, gradualism and consideration of public sentiment. Catherine was in words a supporter of the abolition of serfdom, but pursued a policy of supporting the nobles. She established the number of population in each province (residents should not exceed 400 thousand), and in the district (up to 30 thousand). Due to this division, many cities were built.

A number of government agencies were organized in each provincial center. These are such as the main provincial institution - the Administration - headed by the governor, the Criminal and Civil Chambers, and the financial management body (the State Chamber). The following were also established: the Upper Zemstvo Court, the Provincial Magistrate and the Upper Justice. They played the role of a court for different classes and consisted of chairmen and assessors. A body was created for the peaceful resolution of conflicts, which was called. Cases of insane criminals were also dealt with here. The problems of organizing schools, shelters and almshouses were dealt with by the Order of Public Charity.

Political reforms in counties

The internal policies of Catherine II also influenced the cities. A number of boards have also appeared here. Thus, the Lower Zemstvo Court was responsible for the activities of the police and administration. was subordinate to the Upper Zemstvo Court and considered the cases of nobles. The place where the townspeople were tried was the City Magistrate. To solve the problems of the peasants, the Lower Massacre was created.

Control over the correct implementation of the law was entrusted to the provincial prosecutor and two solicitors. The governor-general monitored the activities of several provinces and could directly address the empress. The internal policy of Catherine II and the table of classes are described in many historical books.

Judicial reform

In 1775, a new system for resolving disputes was established. Each class solved problems by its own judicial body. All courts, except for the Lower Court, were elected. The Upper Zemsky examined the affairs of the landowners, and the Upper and Lower reprisals dealt with peasant disputes (if the peasant was a state-owned peasant). The landowner sorted out disputes between the serfs. As for clergy, they could only be judged by bishops in provincial consistories. The Senate became the Supreme Judicial Body.

Municipal reform

The Empress sought to create local organizations for each class, giving them the right to self-government. In 1766, Catherine II presented a Manifesto on the formation of a commission to resolve local issues. Under the leadership of the chairman of the society of nobles and the elected head of the city, deputies were elected, as well as the transfer of orders to them. As a result, a number of legislative acts appeared that established certain rules of local self-government. The nobility was endowed with the right to elect district and provincial chairmen, a secretary, a district judge and assessors and other managers. The management of the city economy was carried out by two dumas: the General and the Six-Glass. The first had the right to make orders in this area. The chairman was the mayor. The General Council met as needed. The six-voice meeting met every day. It was the executive body and consisted of six representatives of each class and the mayor. There was also a City Duma, which met every three years. This body had the right to elect the Six-Party Duma.

The domestic policy of Catherine II did not ignore the police. In 1782, she created a decree that regulated the structure of law enforcement agencies, the directions of their activities, as well as the system of punishments.

Life of the nobility

The internal policy of Catherine II was legally confirmed by a number of documents advantageous position of this class. It was possible to execute a nobleman or take away his property only after he had committed a serious crime. The court verdict must be agreed upon with the empress. A nobleman could not be subjected to physical punishment. In addition to managing the destinies of the peasants and the affairs of the estate, a representative of the estate could freely travel abroad and send his complaints directly to the governor-general. The foreign and domestic policies of Catherine 2 were based on the interests of the class.

The rights of low-income representatives were slightly infringed. Thus, an individual with a certain property qualification could take part in provincial noble meetings. This also applied to approval for a position; in this case, the additional income must be at least 100 rubles per year.

Economic reform

In 1775, a Manifesto was announced, in which everyone was allowed to “voluntarily establish all kinds of camps and produce all kinds of handicrafts on them, without requiring any other permission” from both local and higher authorities. The exception was the mining business, which in the form government business existed until 1861, as well as enterprises serving the army. The measures taken contributed to the growth of the merchant economy. This class took an active part in the formation of new production and enterprises. Thanks to the action of the merchants, the linen industry began to develop, which later turned into a textile section. Catherine II in 1775 established three merchant guilds, which were divided among themselves according to the available capital. Each association was charged a 1% capital levy, which was declared and not verified. In 1785, a charter was announced, which stated that merchants had the right to participate in local government and court, and they were exempt from corporal punishment. The privileges applied only to the first and second guilds, and in return an increase in the amount of declared capital was required.

The domestic policy of Catherine II also concerned rural residents. They were allowed to practice their craft and sell the products they received. Peasants traded in churchyards, but were limited in carrying out many trade operations. The nobles could organize fairs and sell goods at them, but did not have the right to build factories in cities. This class tried in every possible way to push back the merchants and seize the textile and distillery industries. And they gradually succeeded, since by the beginning of the 19th century, 74 noblemen had factories at their disposal, and there were only twelve merchants at the head of the enterprises.

Catherine II opened the Assignation Bank, which was created for the successful activities of the upper classes. The financial organization accepted deposits, carried out issues, and accounted for bills of exchange. The result of active actions was the merger of the silver ruble and the assignation ruble.

Reforms of education, culture and science

The features of Catherine II’s domestic policy in these areas were as follows:

1. On behalf of the Empress, teacher I.I. Betskoy developed the “General Institution for the Education of Both Sexes of Youth.” On its basis, the Society of Noble Maidens, a commercial school and educational institution at the Academy of Arts. In 1782, a Commission was formed to establish schools to carry out school reform. Its plan was developed by the Austrian teacher F.I. Yankovic. During the reform, public schools - main and small - were opened in cities for everyone. The institutions were maintained at the expense of the state. Under Catherine II, the Medical College, the Mining School and other educational institutions were opened.
2. The successful domestic policy of Catherine II of 1762-1796 gave impetus to the development of science. In 1765, an organization appeared that was designed to expand knowledge in the geography of the country. Between 1768 and 1774, scientists from the Academy of Sciences participated in five expeditions. Thanks to such trips, knowledge was expanded not only in the field of geography, but also in biology and other natural sciences. It was built in the 80s Russian Academy for studying language and literature. During the reign of Catherine II, more books were published than in the entire 18th century. The state's first public library opened in St. Petersburg. Almost every class was fond of reading books. At this time, education began to be valued.
3. The internal politics of Catherine 2 did not bypass the appearance of high society. Active social life in high circles she obliged ladies and gentlemen to follow fashion. In 1779, the magazine “Fashionable Monthly Essay, or Library for Ladies' Toilet” began publishing examples of new clothes. A decree of 1782 obliged nobles to wear costumes in accordance with the colors of the coat of arms of their province. Two years later, a requirement was added to this order - a certain cut of the uniform.

Foreign policy

Catherine II did not forget about improving relations with other states. The Empress achieved the following results:

1. Thanks to the annexation of the Kuban region, Crimea, Lithuanian provinces, western Rus', and the Duchy of Courland, the borders of the state expanded noticeably.

2. The Treaty of Georgievsk was signed, which indicated the role of the Russian protectorate over Georgia (Kartli-Kakheti).

3. A war for territory with Sweden was launched. But after the signing of the peace treaty, the borders of the states remained the same.

4. Development of Alaska and the Aleutian Islands.

5. As a result of the Russian-Turkish war, part of the territory of Poland was divided between Austria, Prussia and Russia.

6. Greek project. The goal of the doctrine was to restore the Byzantine Empire centered in Constantinople. According to the plan, the head of the state was to be the grandson of Catherine II, Prince Constantine.

7. At the end of the 80s, the Russian-Turkish war and the struggle with Sweden began. The prisoner in 1792 consolidated the influence of the Russian Empire in Transcaucasia and Bessarabia, and also confirmed the annexation of Crimea.

Foreign and domestic policies of Catherine II. Results

The great Russian empress left an indelible mark on the history of Russia. Having overthrown her husband from the throne, she carried out a number of events, many of which significantly improved the lives of the people. Summing up the internal policy of Catherine II, one cannot help but note the special position of the nobles and favorites at court. The Empress supported this class and her beloved confidants in every possible way.

The domestic policy of Catherine 2, briefly described, has the following main aspects. Thanks to the decisive actions of the Empress, the territory of the Russian Empire increased significantly. The population in the country began to strive for education. The first schools for peasants appeared. Issues regarding the management of counties and provinces were resolved. The Empress helped Russia become one of the great European states.