« Domestic policy of M.S. Gorbachev." Gorbachev's domestic policy

Gorbachev's entire domestic policy was imbued with the spirit of perestroika and glasnost. He first introduced the term "perestroika" in April 1986, which at first was understood only as the "restructuring" of the economy. But later, especially after the 19th All-Union Party Conference, the word “perestroika” expanded and began to mean the entire era of change.

Gorbachev’s first steps after his election largely repeated Andropov’s measures. First of all, he abolished the “cult” of his position. In front of television viewers in 1986, Gorbachev rudely interrupted one speaker: “Incline Mikhail Sergeevich less!”

The media again started talking about “restoring order” in the country. In the spring of 1985, a decree was issued to combat drunkenness. The sale of wine and vodka products was halved, and thousands of hectares of vineyards were cut down in the Crimea and Transcaucasia. This led to longer lines outside liquor stores and a more than fivefold increase in moonshine consumption.

The fight against bribery has resumed with renewed vigor, especially in Uzbekistan. In 1986, Brezhnev's son-in-law Yuri Churbanov was arrested and later sentenced to twelve years in prison.

At the beginning of 1987, the Central Committee introduced some elements of democracy in production and in the party apparatus: alternative elections of party secretaries appeared, sometimes open voting was replaced by secret voting, and a system for electing heads of enterprises and institutions was introduced. All these innovations in the political system were discussed by the XIX All-Union Party Conference, which took place in the summer of 1988. Its decisions provided for the combination of “socialist values” with the political doctrine of liberalism - a course towards the creation of a “socialist rule of law” was proclaimed, it was planned to carry out a separation of powers, the doctrine of “Soviet rule” was developed. parliamentarism". For this purpose a new supreme body authorities - a congress of people's deputies, and the Supreme Council was proposed to be made a permanent "parliament".

The electoral legislation was also changed: elections were supposed to be held on an alternative basis, they were to be made in two stages, and one third of the deputy corps was to be formed from public organizations.

The main idea of ​​the conference was the transfer of part of the party's powers to the government, that is, the strengthening of Soviet authorities, while maintaining party influence in them.

Soon, the initiative to carry out more intensive reforms passed to the people's deputies elected at the First Congress; at their proposal, the concept of carrying out political reforms was slightly changed and supplemented. The III Congress of People's Deputies, which met in March 1990, considered it expedient to introduce the post of President of the USSR; at the same time, Article 6 of the Constitution, which secured the monopoly of the Communist Party on power, was abolished, this made it possible to form a multi-party system.

Also, during the policy of perestroika, there was a reassessment at the state level of some aspects of the history of the state, especially with regard to the condemnation of Stalin’s personality cult.

But at the same time, those dissatisfied with the policy of perestroika gradually began to appear. Their position was expressed in a letter to the editors of the newspaper "Soviet Russia" by Leningrad teacher Nina Andreeva.

Simultaneously with the implementation of reforms in the country, a national question appeared in it, which seemed to have been resolved long ago, which resulted in bloody conflicts: in the Baltic states and in Nagorno-Karabakh.

Simultaneously with the implementation of political reforms, economic reforms were also carried out. The main directions of the country's socio-economic development were recognized as scientific and technological progress, technical re-equipment of mechanical engineering and the activation of the “human factor”. Initially, the main emphasis was on the enthusiasm of the working people, but nothing can be built on “naked” enthusiasm, so in 1987 economic reform was carried out. It included: expanding the independence of enterprises on the principles of economic accounting and self-financing, gradually reviving the private sector of the economy, abandoning the monopoly foreign trade, deeper integration into the world market, reducing the number of sectoral ministries and departments, agricultural reform. But all these reforms, with rare exceptions, did not lead to desired result. Along with the development of the private sector of the economy, state-owned enterprises, faced with completely new ways of working, were unable to survive in the emerging market.

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In the summer of 1985, Gorbachev took up the issue of accelerating scientific and technological progress, with an emphasis on the growth of mechanical engineering, holding a broad meeting on this topic in the CPSU Central Committee. However, here too the matter was limited to measures to create a number of organizational structures. However, this did not make progress any faster... And where was the money to be found? The implementation of the verbally proclaimed “active social policy” also came up against the issue of financing, starting from intentions to increase wages and ending with promises to give each family an apartment or their own house by the year 2000.

In 1987-1988, important laws on state enterprises and cooperation in the USSR were adopted. However, these laws did not work well.

In an effort to improve the quality of products, the authorities in May 1986. introduced state acceptance. Technical control departments (QCD) of enterprises were previously subordinate to the administration. And it was not beneficial for the inspectors themselves to be “excessively” strict when identifying defects: they, along with workers and engineers, could lose their bonuses due to failure to fulfill the plan.

State acceptance became a separate department; its employees were not dependent on the directorate and were not financially interested in fulfilling the plan. By the beginning of 1987 State acceptance was valid at all large industrial enterprises. However, its effectiveness turned out to be significantly lower than expected. The implementation of plans has decreased significantly, and earnings have fallen. The management of the enterprises hastened to find contact with the new controllers, who were also registered with the party at the enterprises. The state acceptance system lasted only two years.

In May 1985 a resolution of the CPSU Central Committee and a decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR on the fight against drunkenness and alcoholism appeared: “The Party and the Soviet state are setting a qualitatively new, responsible task of great political significance: with a united front, everywhere to create an environment of intolerance towards drunkenness and to eradicate it.”

Drunkenness in the country has indeed reached critical levels. According to the Ministry of Internal Affairs, 37% of workers “abused” alcohol; there were over 5 million registered alcoholics alone. Sales of alcohol from 1970 to 1980. increased by 77%. In parts of the country, especially in rural areas in the North, even women and children drank, which led to real degeneration of the population. Alcoholism came in third place among the causes of death and led to an increase in crime, especially robbery and street hooliganism. It was impossible to put up with this evil.

The resolution was prepared under Andropov, but rumors considered Gorbachev and especially Ligachev to be the initiators of drastic measures. Drunkenness was declared real war. Those guilty of “drinking” in public places were expelled from the party and Komsomol, demoted, deprived of bonuses, and pushed back in the housing queue.

The number of liquor stores has sharply decreased. The sale of vodka, previously permitted from 11 a.m., was now only allowed from 2 p.m. Factories that produced wine and vodka were repurposed to produce juices and soft drinks. By 1988 it was planned to completely stop the production of cheap fruit and berry wines (popularly called “bormotukha”).

The anti-alcohol campaign was carried out hastily, straightforwardly and ineptly. Only in 1985-1986. production of alcoholic beverages fell by half. The reduction affected not only low-quality “fruit-based” potions, but also high-quality vintage wines. In Crimea, Moldova, and on the Don, vineyards were cut down (their total area decreased by 30%) and wineries were destroyed. It was not just drunkards who suffered, but people trying to buy a bottle of wine for a holiday or family celebration.

The budget suffered huge losses: there was nothing to replace income from the sale of alcohol, since promises to sharply increase the sale of consumer goods remained on paper.

Attempts to increase juice production only worsened the situation: these products were unprofitable and required subsidies. The lost profit in 1985 amounted to - 60 billion rubles, in 1986 - 38 billion rubles, in 1987 - 35 billion rubles, 1988 - 40 billion rubles.

Due to the shortage of alcohol, moonshine production increased. Sugar began to disappear from stores, although its production in 1985 - 1988 increased by 18%. Vodka was often replaced by various surrogates (from cologne to solvent). Drug addiction and substance abuse began to spread among young people. Sociological surveys showed that 80% of the country's citizens understood the need to combat drunkenness, but the methods used caused unanimous rejection. Gorbachev earned the ironic nickname “mineral secretary.”

Gorbachev cannot be justified by the fact that he did not know what would happen after the “Decree on the fight against drunkenness and alcoholism.” Gorbachev grew up in a Russian family and had to understand that alcohol abuse was typical for her and the problem could not be solved “at once.” In addition, it was the sale of alcohol that provided a significant portion of budget revenues. In my opinion, this was a bad move.

To some extent, this was indeed a miscalculation, but the accusation of shortsightedness on Gorbachev is unfounded. A person cannot foresee everything. And the results were: in the first year, alcohol consumption decreased, there was no such drunkenness.

Starting perestroika, Gorbachev placed the main emphasis on raising the spirituality of society in the understanding in which he was brought up and served the socialist system. He considered unearned income to be everything produced in the non-state sphere.

Formally, it was directed against businessmen in the shadow economy. In practice, its main victims were collective farmers and townspeople growing fruits and vegetables for sale, artisans, and street vendors. In a number of places, authorities enthusiastically destroyed greenhouses on household plots and summer cottages. But the bigwigs of the shadow economy, corrupt officials, remained untouched.

It was difficult to take the first steps, and they were most likely spontaneous. To fight the shadow economy, we need strength and supporters. During the period of reforms, these forces were only still being consolidated.

These were probably populist reforms. After stagnation, any innovations were perceived as significant actions aimed at changing society. This is how Gorbachev earned political authority.

When starting the reforms, Gorbachev did not set the goal of changing the socio-economic system; he considered socialism to be a completely viable system. He even emphasized that we must learn from Lenin to re-evaluate values, theoretical guidelines, and political slogans in time. Therefore, it is not surprising that already in April 1985. a course was taken to accelerate and then to improve the political structure of society. There was a normal evolution of views.

In recognition of the enormous merits of Mikhail Gorbachev as an outstanding reformer, a global politician who made a unique contribution to changing for the better the very nature of international development, he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize.

It is difficult to start transforming only certain spheres of society; this, in the end, leads to a change in the entire society. Gorbachev did not take this into account. But he really was not only an ideologist, but also a foreman of perestroika; his reforms were not only a theoretical development, but also had (successful or not is another question) practical application. And the inconsistency continued because there were no ready-made recipes.

Both supporters and opponents are right. It is not so easy to foresee in detail the consequences of the course taken. Many leaders were accustomed to thinking within the framework of the command-administrative system that had developed over decades, did not want change, and did not know how to act independently. There was opposition to the reform on their part. Gorbachev's reforms can be considered a truly courageous step.

Development of a lesson on the topic

« Domestic policy M.S. Gorbachev." 9th grade.

Goals:educational - get acquainted with the main events of domestic politics, personalities of the times of M.S. Gorbachev;

developing - be able to characterize historical facts, compare the internal political courses of the rulers of Russia in the twentieth century with the policies of M.S.

Gorbachev, characterize the activities of political personalities, determining their contribution to the development of the history of a given period of time; know the basics historical events, taking place during perestroika, political figures;

educational- form an understanding of the complexity and importance historical processes, occurring during the time of M.S. Gorbachev.

Equipment: card " Political map world", "USSR in the late 20th century", portraits of the rulers of the 20th century, handouts "Political personalities of the times of M.S. Gorbachev."

Lesson concepts and terms: state acceptance, inflation, privatization, perestroika, farmer.

Lesson type: combined.

Progress of the lesson.

Organizational moment (welcoming students; explaining the goals and objectives of the lesson). (5 min)

Examination homework(students complete test tasks,(Appendix 1) and then, together with the teacher, the quality of the work performed is checked and a grade is given). (7 min)

Studying and consolidating a new topic. (25 min).

1. “Rulers of the 20th century” (students line up chronological order portraits of the rulers of Russia of the twentieth century on the board and complete tasks).(Appendix 2.3) .

- “So, we once again remembered the names and important events of the twentieth century” - the words of the teacher.

2. “The country after the death of L.I. Brezhnev” (the teacher’s story about the main events and rulers of Russia after 1982).

3. “Politics and the economy of the country after the death of L.I. Brezhnev” (students receive cards with tasks for question No. 2 of the topic).(Appendix 4).

After checking the assignment on the cards, the teacher changes clothes to perform ditties about M.S.’s politics. Gorbachev(Appendix 5), warning students in advance to listen carefully and identify important provisions regarding politics and economics during perestroika.

Students should note the following points: perestroika, perestroika stagnation, democrat, Belovezhskaya Pushcha, coupons, acceleration.

4. “Main events of domestic politics” (teacher’s story about important historical facts occurring within the country).

5. “The internal policy of M.S. Gorbachev” (students complete historical dictation assignments).(Appendix 6).

Events, like historical phenomena, cannot arise and develop without the activity of the individual, the teacher explains. So let's find out who lived and worked during the reign of M.S. Gorbachev?

6. “Personalities in the fate of the country” (examination using additional questions, jointly with the teacher of portraits).(Appendix 7.8).

IV. Reflection.

The teacher takes out and opens a large folder called Menu.

Imagine that you guys find yourself in the Perestroika restaurant. The dishes of the establishment are the main events of a given period of time. What dish would you order if you came here again? Which dish did you not like? Why? Which dish piqued your interest the most?

V. Homework.

Report on Gorbachev;

Characteristics of M.S. Gorbachev’s domestic policy;

Card tasks.(Appendix 9).

Appendix 1.

Which ruler's reign is characterized by the policy of “developed socialism”?

Stalin I.V.

Khrushchev N.S.

Brezhnev.L.I.

Who carried out collectivization and industrialization in the country?

Stalin I.V.

Khrushchev N.S.

Brezhnev.L.I.

Which of them came to power as a result of a conspiracy and coup?

Stalin I.V.

Khrushchev N.S.

Brezhnev L.I.

Who first introduced the position of "General Secretary of the Party"?

Lenin V.I.

Stalin I.V.

Brezhnev L.I.

Under which ruler did the “apogee of Stalinism” take place?

Lenin V.I.

Stalin I.V.

Brezhnev L.I.

Keys to the test:

1c; 2a; 3c; 4b; 5c;

Criteria for assessing knowledge on the test:

5 points – “5”;

4 points – “4”;

3 points – “3”;

2 points - “2”.

Appendix 2.

1. 2.

3. 4.

5. 6.

Appendix 3.

Questions about illustrations.

Under what serial number is the portrait of Stalin I.V. depicted? (No. 3).

Which of them ruled first? (Nikolai Romanov, No. 5).

Which of them reigned fourth? (Khrushchev N., No. 2).

Who ruled second after Nicholas? (Lenin V.I., No. 4).

Appendix 4.

Card No. 1.

What measures did Andropov propose to take to restore order in the state?

Card No. 2 .

What is the state of the economy after the death of L.I. Brezhnev? Causes of crisis and stagnation.

Card number 3.

What are the reasons for the worsening political situation in Russia?

Card No. 4.

Why did economic reform not produce the expected results?

Appendix 5.

“Ditties about the politics of M.S. Gorbachev.”

1. A beggar is crying under the window.
I gave it a Soviet thousand.
Threw a thousand on the sand.
The lady asks for a piece of bread .

2. We don't drink vodka at all,
We don't eat meat.
We turn on the TV
And we listen to advertisements.

3. Why are these cows?
They don’t give us milk?” -
“So they’re talking about perestroika
They don’t sing stories in the barn.”

4.How long will it last?
Perestroika stagnation?
Money flows like water
The wallet is always empty.

5. My dear is a democrat,
Plays the harmonica: -
We are free, brothers,
Oh yes democracy!

6.In the CIA and FBI
Today there is unemployment.
The USSR no longer exists -
There is no one to hunt!

7.The presidents met
In Belovezhskaya Pushcha.
And they wondered about the future
On the coffee grounds.

8. Perestroika taught
Cook moonshine:
From half a pound - eight liters,
Everything - down to the last drop - is burning.

9. Now we don’t drink vodka, we don’t eat sugar.
We brush our teeth with bricks and listen to Gorbachev.

10.Oh, how fast, oh, how quickly
The grapes are ripening.
I loved a communist
And now he is a democrat!

11. With coupons - bread and soap,
Without coupons - no big deal.
Nowadays it’s enough without coupons
Nothing but noodles!

12. At seven in the morning the rooster crows,
At eight Pugacheva.
The store is closed until two
Gorbachev has the key.

13.By coupons - bitter,
According to coupons - sweets.
What have you done?
Head with a patch?

14.Oh, how joyfully we live
We're at the beginning of the month.
And the coupons are running out -
I want to hang myself.

15.Acceleration is an important factor,
But the reactor failed.
And now our peaceful atom
All of Europe is swearing.

Appendix 6.

"Domestic policy of M.S. Gorbachev."

Historical dictation.

1.New title for constitutional reform. (President of the USSR).

2. The principle of cultural development. (Principle of publicity).

3. The year of the disaster at the Chernobyl nuclear power plant. (1986).

4. Transfer of objects into private ownership. (Privatization).

5.The events that marked the beginning of the anti-alcohol policy. (Cutting down vineyards).

Appendix 7.

"Personality in the fate of the country." Portraits from the times of M.S. Gorbachev.

Nikolai Ivanovich Ryzhkov (p. , , , , ) - Soviet statesman and party leader. Most of the reign held the position (1985-1991). Member With By . MP (1974-89) from

. From 1950 to 1975 he worked in engineering and technical positions at the Ural Heavy Engineering Plant named after. Sergo Ordzhonikidze (PO " "): in 1955-1959. shop manager, 1959-1965 Chief welding technologist, in 1965-1970. chief engineer, 1970-1971 director, 1971-1975 General Director. In 1975-1979. First Deputy Minister of Heavy and Transport Engineering of the USSR .In 1979-1982 first deputy chairman . In December 1995 he was elected as a deputy of the second convocation in the Belgorod single-mandate electoral district No. 62 from the “Power to the People” bloc. In the Duma he headed the deputy group . Chairman of the Executive Committee of the People's Patriotic Union of Russia (NPSR).

In December 1999, he was elected to the State Duma of the third convocation in the same district. In September 2003, he was appointed representative of the Belgorod region administration in RF.

Valentin Sergeevich Pavlov ( , G. , - , G. ) - (the only one to hold a position with that title) with By , From 18 to 21 August 1991 - member .. 1958-59 - State Revenue Inspector of the Financial Department of the Kalinin District Executive Committee of Moscow;

1959-66 - economist, senior economist, deputy head of department, deputy head of the Construction Financing Directorate of the Ministry of Finance of the RSFSR;

1966-68 - Deputy Head of the Heavy Industry Financing Directorate of the USSR Ministry of Finance;

1968-79 - Deputy Head of the Budget Directorate of the USSR Ministry of Finance;

1979-86 - Head of the Department of Finance, Costs and Prices of the USSR State Planning Committee, in 1981-86, member of the Board of the USSR State Planning Committee;

1986 - First Deputy Minister of Finance of the USSR;

1986-89 - Chairman of the USSR State Committee on Prices.

1989-91 - Minister of Finance of the USSR. Lieutenant of the Reserve Quartermaster Service. January 14, 1991, after resignation ( ), with the consent of the Supreme Council, appointed Pavlov as his successor as a compromise candidate, a supporter market economy within the framework of the socialist choice. At the same time was renamed the Cabinet of Ministers of the USSR, and the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR - the Prime Minister of the USSR .

Boris Karlovich Pugo ( Boriss Pugo ; , - , ) - Soviet party and statesman, first secretary of the Central Committee ( - ), chairman ( - ), ( - ). Member (1986-1990), candidate member (September - July 1990). MP eleventh convocation (1984-1989) from the Latvian SSR , . From 18 to 21 August 1991 - member .

Kryuchkov Vladimir Alexandrovich (b. 02.29.1924), party member since 1944, member of the Central Committee since 1986, member of the Politburo of the Central Committee since 09.20.89. Born in Volgograd. Russian. In 1949 he graduated from the All-Union Correspondence Law Institute, in 1954 from the Higher Diplomatic School of the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs. He began his career as a worker in 1941. Since 1943 at Komsomol work. Since 1946 in the prosecutor's office. In 1954-1959 in diplomatic work at the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the USSR Embassy in Hungary. In 1959-1967 in the apparatus of the CPSU Central Committee: assistant, head. sector, assistant secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. Since 1967 on the Committee state security USSR, since 1978 deputy. Chairman since 1988 Committee, at the same time since 1990, member of the Presidential Council of the USSR. Army General (1988). Deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR of the 11th convocation. During the events of August 1991, he was arrested and was in the Matrosskaya Tishina prison. Later he was granted amnesty. He was retired. He died on November 25, 2007 in Moscow at the age of 84.

Gennady Ivanovich Yanaev ( , - ) - Soviet party and statesman, Vice-President of the USSR ( - ), member , (1990-91). During was acting President of the USSR and de facto leader .

President of the USSR

Dmitry Timofeevich Yazov (genus. , village Yazovo ) - And . The last (according to the date of assignment of the title) and the only one living ( ). Penultimate ( - ). Participant . Member (18-21 August 1991). From 2000 to 2010, he headed the Committee in Memory of Marshal of the Soviet Union G.K. Zhukov, and is currently an active member of the presidium of this Committee.Member of the governing bodies of a number of public organizations (including the Forum “Public Recognition”etc.).Consultant to the head of the War Memorial Center Armed Forces Russia.

Andrey Dmitrievich Sakharov ( , - , same place) - , academician , one of the creators of the first Soviet . Subsequently - a public figure, And ; , author of the draft constitution of the Union of Soviet Republics of Europe and Asia. Laureate . For his human rights activities he was deprived of all Soviet awards, prizes and was deported with his wife from Moscow. At the end under pressure allowed Sakharov to return from exile to Moscow, which was regarded in the world as an important milestone in ending the fight against dissent in the USSR.

Anatoly Ivanovich Lukyanov (p. , G. ) - Soviet party and statesman, Russian politician. The last Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR (March 1990 - September 1991), first an associate of the first and last President of the USSR Mikhail Gorbachev, then his opponent. From August 1991 to December 1992 he was in custody in connection with the case , accused of conspiracy to seize power and abuse of power

Born on March 2, 1931 in the village. Privolny, Medvedensky district, Stavropol Territory, in a peasant family. The last General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee (1985-1991), the first and only President of the USSR (1990-1991), Nobel Peace Prize laureate (1990), the founder of new thinking in world politics, one of the most famous statesmen in world history.

Start of a career

He began his career at the age of 15, working with his father on a combine; for outstanding results in harvesting he was awarded the Order of the Red Banner of Labor (1949). Graduated from school with a silver medal (1950); V school theater successfully played roles from Russian classics, in particular, “Masquerade” by M. Yu. Lermontov. In 1950 he entered and in 1955 he graduated from the Faculty of Law of Moscow State University; member of the CPSU since 1952. At the university he met Raisa Maksimovna Titarenko, who became his wife. After graduating from the university, he was assigned to the prosecutor's office of the Stavropol Territory, where he worked for only 10 days; left the prosecutor's office for a freed Komsomol job. In the Komsomol he proved himself to be an exceptionally successful organizer, rapidly moving up the career ladder. In 1961-1962 - First Secretary of the Regional Committee of the Komsomol. In October 1961 - delegate to the XXII Congress of the CPSU; on April 10, 1970, in agreement with members of the Politburo and personally with L.I. Brezhnev, he was appointed first secretary of the regional committee of the CPSU. In those years, he enjoyed the active support of the Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee for agriculture F.D. Kulakov, who took care of the young party worker. Since 1971 - member of the CPSU Central Committee. A fateful moment for Gorbachev’s subsequent career was his acquaintance with the most influential member of the Politburo, Chairman of the KGB of the USSR Yu. V. Andropov, who for many years vacationed at a resort in the city of Zheleznovodsk, Stavropol Territory. It was Andropov who saw enormous political potential in the local party leader and actually initiated the idea of ​​Gorbachev’s gradual transfer to Moscow. According to Gorbachev, Andropov sincerely sympathized with him; Despite the age difference, camaraderie arose between them. “For all Andropov’s restraint, I felt his kind attitude, even when, angry, he made comments to me,” writes M. S. Gorbachev in the book of his memoirs. The “gray eminence” of the Brezhnev Politburo, M. A. Suslov, also had sympathy for Gorbachev. “The road to Moscow” was opened for Gorbachev by the unexpected death of his longtime patron, F.D. Kulakov, who was responsible for agriculture in the Politburo. On the initiative of Yu. V. Andropov, September 17, 1978, at railway station Mineralnye Vody the so-called meeting of the “four general secretaries” took place - the current party leader, L. I. Brezhnev, who was traveling by train on vacation, and three future general secretaries - Yu. V. Andropov, who was on vacation in Zheleznovodsk; K. U. Chernenko and the head of the Stavropol Territory - M. S. Gorbachev. As Gorbachev recalled, in fact, this meeting was a “bride” for Gorbachev as a potential candidate for transfer to Moscow to the post of Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee for Agriculture, which became vacant after the death of Kulakov. On November 27, 1978, at the Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee, Gorbachev was elected Secretary of the Central Committee, and a year later, on November 27, 1979, he became a candidate member of the Politburo; and a year later (October 21, 1980) - a member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee, thus making a rapid party career in Moscow. Gorbachev was distinguished by his exceptional efficiency, diligence, and innate dexterity in bureaucratic intrigues. Gorbachev’s colossal natural charm, his inexhaustible eloquence, ebullient energy, amazing youth by the standards of the Brezhnev Politburo, contributed to Gorbachev’s further advancement through the ranks. The long-term successful alliance with Andropov also played a significant role in the career of the future Secretary General.

Political rise

After the death of Brezhnev on November 10, 1982, Andropov was elected to the post of General Secretary, under whom Gorbachev turned from an “ordinary” member of the Politburo into one of the likely contenders for power. According to some reports, Andropov saw Gorbachev as his successor. Despite the fact that Gorbachev’s position in the Politburo sharply strengthened during Andropov’s short reign, the so-called “Brezhnev guard” - D. F. Ustinov, N. A. Tikhonov, K. U. Chernenko, V. V. Grishin, V. V. Shcherbitsky, M. S. Solomentsev, A. A. Gromyko - have not yet seen Gorbachev in the role of party leader; After the death of Andropov (February 9, 1984), the terminally ill K.U. Chernenko was nominated to the post of General Secretary, whose election ensured the continuity so desired by the Kremlin “elders”. At the same time, during the year of Chernenko’s reign, who was unable to fulfill the duties of head of state due to health reasons, Gorbachev became in fact the second person in the state, holding meetings of the Central Committee Secretariat during Chernenko’s illness. It was during Chernenko’s reign that a strong opinion developed in the party apparatus that Gorbachev, due to his qualities, could cope with the role of party leader. After Chernenko’s death, Politburo elder A. A. Gromyko nominated Gorbachev to the post of General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. This nomination took place by preliminary agreement between Gorbachev and Gromyko. The mediators in these secret negotiations were Academician E.M. Primakov and Mikhail Sergeevich’s closest associate, A.N. Yakovlev, on Gorbachev’s side, and his son, Anatoly Anatolyevich, on Gromyko’s side. In fact, Gromyko promised Gorbachev his support in exchange for the latter’s promise to nominate him for the post of Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, i.e., the official head of the Soviet state. Despite various versions according to which Gorbachev had serious competitors (G.V. Romanov, V.V. Grishin and V.V. Shcherbitsky), they did not pose a real danger to him. Even during the Brezhnev era, Romanov was seriously compromised by gossip launched at the initiative of the KGB about the incredibly magnificent wedding of his daughter; Grishin was already old and had negative charisma; Shcherbitsky missed his chance to become secretary general immediately after the death of Brezhnev, who, it seemed, was going to nominate him as his replacement, but did not have time to do so. In addition, not only the country, but also party circles were tired of the “hearse race” and wanted to see the young and proactive Gorbachev in the role of leader, and not one of the hateful “old men.” On March 11, 1985, Gorbachev was elected Secretary General Central Committee of the CPSU.

As Secretary General

Gorbachev began his activities as Secretary General with unusual activity.

Already in April 1985, Gorbachev put forward the slogan of accelerating the pace of socio-economic development of the USSR, the goal of which was to stop the stagnation of the Soviet economy and turn towards reviving economic processes and filling the market with consumer goods, increasing the level of well-being of Soviet citizens. This slogan, although correct in itself, did not produce practical results. No less significant in Soviet society was the problem of alcoholization of the population, which caused a literally stream of letters to the CPSU Central Committee from the female part of the country's population demanding to limit the sale of alcohol. Despite the fact that this problem was discussed even under Brezhnev, the start of the anti-alcohol campaign was given precisely under Gorbachev, for which Mikhail Sergeevich earned the ironic nickname “mineral secretary” from the people. The anti-alcohol campaign, which was based on the right idea, eventually turned into a tragic farce, contributing to a sharp increase in the production of moonshine, the death of citizens from surrogate drinks and huge losses. A year after coming to power, in April 1986, speaking in Togliatti, Gorbachev for the first time uttered the word perestroika, which became the definition of the Gorbachev era. According to Gorbachev, “perestroika had to solve the problem of the country’s exit from totalitarianism. We wanted a society in which we were present universal human values. And this means justice and solidarity, Christian and democratic ideas and concepts. We have opened the way to move on. They did what needed to be done: they gave freedom, openness, political pluralism, they gave democracy. We did free man. We have given the opportunity to choose in conditions of civil freedom, freedom of conscience, thought and speech. And I think that the democratic understanding of socialism also fits within this framework.” In April 1986 at the Chernobyl Nuclear Power Plant named after. V.I. Lenin there was an accident, the consequences of which were extremely serious: until now, the level of radiation in the area of ​​the accident is many times higher than the prohibitive level. An outstanding role in the aftermath of the liquidation of the accident was played by the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, N. I. Ryzhkov, who was shortly before appointed by Gorbachev to this post. In 1988, he showed colossal energy in helping Armenia, which suffered from a terrible earthquake, for which in 2008 he was awarded the highest award of the republic - the title of National Hero of Armenia.

Perestroika and Gorbachev

One of the main elements of the perestroika policy was the policy of glasnost, i.e. the actual lifting of party censorship on works of literature, the press, cinema and music. Glasnost met the needs of society; The actual slogan of millions of people was a line from the song of the Kino group “We are waiting for change!” IN Soviet Union The works of N. A. Berdyaev and I. S. Shmelev returned; after many years of being on the editor’s desk, A. N. Rybakov’s novel “Children of the Arbat” was finally published. Soviet readers had the opportunity to get acquainted with the famous “Essays on the Russian Troubles” by the leader of the White movement, General A. I. Denikin. Another manifestation of the perestroika policy was the lifting of the ban on the opening of private cooperative stores, which had a wider range of products, but had prices that were incomparably higher than in state stores and therefore inaccessible to the average person. At the same time, it was during the period of perestroika that the shortage of food and consumer goods reached absolute levels; queues for bread and tobacco products became an attribute of the late 1980s and early 1990s.

Foreign policy under Gorbachev

From the moment he came to power, Gorbachev paid great attention to foreign policy issues. Gorbachev and his Foreign Minister E. A. Shevardnadze, with unprecedented activity compared to previous times, hold meetings with American President R. Reagan, then with his successor George W. Bush. In total, during his time in power, Gorbachev met with American presidents 11 times. The result of these meetings (Geneva, Reykjavik, Moscow, Malta, etc.) was the signing of a number of important agreements in the field of disarmament. In 1989, a limited contingent of Soviet troops completed the withdrawal from Afghanistan, thereby ending the Afghan war. Also, the USSR actually avoided interference in the affairs of Eastern European countries, excluding its armed intervention in the “velvet revolutions.” It was Gorbachev who played a decisive role in the issue of German unification in 1990. In fact, Gorbachev’s idea boiled down to Germany’s non-bloc status, which, according to him, was fixed in words, and not on paper, in negotiations with German Chancellor Helmet Kohl. At the same time, despite the obvious decrease in tension in relations between the USSR and the countries of Western Europe and the United States, in fact the Soviet Union made only unilateral concessions that contributed to the liquidation of the Warsaw Pact Organization and the further expansion of NATO to the east. The concept of new thinking in international politics developed by Gorbachev and his advisers, which presupposed reliance on universal human values ​​in foreign policy, although it contributed to Gorbachev’s extraordinary popularity in the world, “Gorbymania,” in fact had no practical results, since it did not take into account what was traditional for the Anglo-Saxon world the desire for world hegemony was essentially political idealism. Gorbachev himself believes that the main result of the new thinking was “the end of the Cold War. A long and potentially deadly period in world history has come to an end, when all of humanity lived under the constant threat of nuclear disaster. Already several years go by dispute over who won and who lost in the Cold War. Such a formulation of the question itself is nothing more than a tribute to Stalinist dogma. According to common sense, everyone wins. The foundations of peace on the planet have been consolidated. Relations with states - both East and West - were introduced into a normal, non-confrontational channel. The path has been paved for an equal partnership that meets the interests of everyone, and above all, our national-state interests...” In fact, the Soviet Union not only ceased to be one of the two superpowers, but also ceased to exist. Gorbachev’s popularity in the world was inversely proportional to his unpopularity in his own country, which saw open capitulation in the foreign policy of its leader.

The national question under Gorbachev

The Gorbachev era also coincided with a sharp rise in nationalism in Soviet republics, expressed in the formation of nationalist popular fronts in the Transcaucasian and Baltic republics; the most severe state reaction to separatist outbreaks that led to bloodshed. (Tbilisi, Baku, Vilnius). There was a clear contradiction between the peacekeeping foreign policy Gorbachev and his domestic politics aimed at even forcefully preserving a unified state.

Gorbachev and the collapse of the USSR

A clear manifestation of the policy of perestroika was the First Congress of People's Deputies in the USSR, which became a real triumph of freedom of speech. The whole country got the opportunity to live see the speeches of deputies G. Kh. Popov, A. A. Sobchak, A. D. Sakharov, B. N. Yeltsin, Yu. N. Afanasyev. Many of the deputies were able to make a brilliant political career. Despite the fact that Gorbachev was elected Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Council (1989), and then President of the USSR (1990), his popularity was rapidly declining, while the popularity of his main opponent, former candidate member of the Politburo B. N. Yeltsin, former nominee Gorbachev - grew rapidly. By the end of 1990, against the backdrop of the “parade of sovereignties” of the republics, it became abundantly clear that the issue of preserving the USSR as a single state was on the agenda. In this situation, in the spring of 1991, Gorbachev initiated the holding of the first and only all-Union referendum in the history of the USSR on the issue of preserving the USSR as a renewed federation of sovereign states. To the question “Do you consider it necessary to preserve the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics as a renewed federation of equal sovereign republics, in which the rights and freedoms of people of any nationality will be fully guaranteed?” 78% of citizens who took part in the vote answered in the affirmative, which was perceived by Gorbachev as his personal political victory.

By the spring of 1991, there were several conflicts with the President of the USSR, among which we should highlight 1) growing tension in relations with the extremely popular Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR B. N. Yeltsin; 2) the actual demarcation of the union republics from the union center; 3) Gorbachev’s conflictual relations with the conservative wing of the Soviet leadership represented by his proteges - Chairman of the KGB of the USSR V. A. Kryuchkov, Minister of Defense of the USSR D. T. Yazov, Minister of Internal Affairs of the USSR B. K. Pugo and a number of other Soviet and party leaders ; 4) in addition, Gorbachev’s popularity as the head of state and the population’s trust in him as a leader were rapidly falling.

Soon after the All-Union referendum, work began on signing a new union treaty, the so-called Novoogarevo process began, in which 9 republics took part plus the union center (represented by M. S. Gorbachev) as an independent participant in the discussions. By the summer of 1991, these negotiations became known as the 9+1 negotiations. During the meetings, the parties came to the idea of ​​​​transforming the USSR into the USG (Union of Sovereign States; the USG was also popularly deciphered as the union to save Gorbachev). The JIT was intended to be a replacement of a powerful centralized state - the USSR - with a softer one, with weaker power of the center and greater rights for the republics than before. The signing of a new Union Treaty was scheduled for August 20, 1991, but the August putsch prevented this.

On August 18, 1991, a delegation from Moscow arrived at the presidential dacha in Foros (Crimea) (V.I. Boldin, V.I. Varennikov, O.D. Baklanov, O.S. Shenin, in fact, an ultimatum form, demanding that the president introduce state of emergency in the country. According to a number of evidence, Gorbachev refused this. For several days, the president was cut off from communication and virtually isolated in Foros. On August 19, 1991, the creation of the State Committee on the State of Emergency was announced on all-Union television and radio. USSR (GKChP), while emphasizing the “impossibility” of M. S. Gorbachev fulfilling his powers due to illness. In fact, a coup d’etat took place in the country, and the Vice President of the USSR G. I. Yanaev assumed the duties of the President of the USSR. In history. these events remained under the name of the August putsch of August 19-21, 1991. Despite the fact that the State Emergency Committee was formally headed by G. I. Yanaev, the actual leader of the conspiracy was the Chairman of the USSR KGB V. A. Kryuchkov. In addition to Yanaev and Kryuchkov, the State Emergency Committee included D. T. Yazov, O. D. Baklanov, B. K. Pugo, V. S. Pavlov, O. S. Shenin, A. I. Tizyakov, V. A. Starodubtsev . During the days of the putsch, the Secretariat of the CPSU Central Committee actually took a neutral position; Gorbachev’s deputy in the party, V. A. Ivashko, only on August 20 announced the need for a meeting with Gorbachev. To a large extent, the failure of the putsch was ensured by the bold and decisive position of the President of the RSFSR B.N. Yeltsin, who declared that he considered all orders of the State Emergency Committee to be unconstitutional. In essence, by the morning of August 21, the putsch had failed. The leaders of the State Emergency Committee were not ready to shed blood. August 22, 1991 Gorbachev returns to Moscow. The true triumphant of the August events was Yeltsin. From the moment he returned to Moscow, power began to slip away from under Gorbachev’s feet. In effect, he was the powerless president of a sprawling country. Under pressure from the public and Yeltsin, on August 24, 1991, Gorbachev resigned as General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. In turn, the treaty of alliance was torpedoed; The Novoogaryovsky process was suspended, new negotiations were already underway on the principle of transforming the USSR into a confederation of republics. By the end of November 1991, the negotiations seemed close to success, but on December 8, 1991, the famous Belovezhskaya Agreement was signed by the three leaders of the Slavic republics - Yeltsin, Kravchuk and Shushkevich on the self-dissolution of the USSR. In fact, this agreement was unconstitutional; the key role was played by the desire of the leaders of the republics to get rid of Gorbachev, who in the eyes of the West still remained the leader in the political field of the USSR. After the ratification of the Belovezhskaya Agreement, on December 25, 1991, Gorbachev resigned as president of the USSR.

After the resignation of M. S. Gorbachev participated in the 1996 elections, but received less than one percent of the votes. The head of the foundation for studying political processes, the Gorbachev Foundation, which he founded, the author of a large number of articles on various topics, books and memoirs. He actively supported the entry of Crimea and Sevastopol into the Russian Federation, stating that “using its sovereignty, Crimea expressed its desire to be with Russia. Which means it's happiness. This is freedom of choice, without which nothing should exist.”

The main works of M. S. Gorbachev

Gorbachev M. S. August putsch (causes and consequences). M.: Publishing house "Novosti", 1991. - 96 p.: ill.

Gorbachev M. S. December-91. My position. M.: Publishing house "Novosti", 1992. 224 p.

Gorbachev M. S. Life and reforms. In two books. Book 1. M.: JSC Publishing House “Novosti”, 1995. - 600 pp.; Book 2. M.: JSC Publishing House “Novosti”, 1995. - 656 p.

Gorbachev M. S. Alone with myself / M. Gorbachev. - M.: Green Street, 2012. - 688 p., ill.

Gorbachev M.S., Perestroika and new thinking for our country and for the whole world. - M: Politizdat, 1987. - 270, p. ; 21 cm

Gorbachev M. S. Understanding perestroika... Why is it important now / M. S. Gorbachev. - M.: Alpina Business Books, 2006. - 400 p.

Gorbachev M. S. After the Kremlin. M.: Publishing house “Ves Mir”, 2014. - 416 p.

Gorbachev M. S. Reflections on the past and future. - 2nd ed. St. Petersburg: Publishing house of the St. Petersburg branch of the Gorbachev Foundation, 2002. - 336 p.

Memoirs

Aleksandrov-Agentov A.M., From Kollontai to Gorbachev: Memoirs of a diplomat, adviser A.A. Gromyko, assistant L.I. Brezhnev, Yu.V. Andropova, K.U. Chernenko and M.S. Gorbachev / Under the general. ed. I.F. Ogorodnikova. - M: International. relations, 1994. - 299 p. : portrait ; 21 cm. - Bibliography. in note: p. 296-298

Baibakov N.K., From Stalin to Yeltsin / N.K. Baibakov. - . - Moscow: Oil and Gas, 2005. - 307 p., l. portrait, color portrait ; 25 cm

Baklanov O. D., Space is my destiny: notes from “Sailor’s Silence”: [diaries, memories] / Oleg Baklanov. - Moscow: Conservation Society literary heritage, 2012. - 25 cm

Bobkov F.D., KGB and power / Philip Bobkov. - M: EKSMO Algorithm-Book 2003. - 410, p., l. ill., portrait ; 21 cm - (For official use)

Boldin V.I., Collapse of the pedestal: Touches to the portrait. M.S. Gorbachev. - M: Republic, 1995. - 445, p., l. ill. ; 22 cm

Vorotnikov V.I. Chronicle of the absurd: the separation of Russia from the USSR / Vitaly Vorotnikov. - M.: Eksmo: Algorithm, 2011. - 320 p. - (The Court of History).

Grishin V.V., Catastrophe, From Khrushchev to Gorbachev: [political portraits. Memoirs] / Viktor Grishin. - Moscow: Algorithm Eksmo, 2010. - 269, p. ; 21 cm - (Judgment of History)

Dobrynin A.F. Purely confidential. Ambassador to Washington under six US presidents (1962 - 1986). M.: Author, 1996. - 688 pp.: ill.

Yeltsin B.N., Notes of the President: [reflections, memories, impressions...] / Boris Yeltsin. - Moscow: AST, 2006 (M.: First Exemplary Printing House). - 447 p., l. color ill., portrait ; 24 cm

Kornienko G. M. “Cold War.” Certificate of its participant. M.: OLMA-PRESS, 2001. - 415 p.

Kryuchkov V. A., Personal file / Vladimir Kryuchkov. - M: EKSMO Algorithm-book, 2003. - 477, p., l. ill., portrait ; 21 cm - (For official use)

Lukyanov A.I. August 91st. Was there a conspiracy? M.: Algorithm; Eksmo, 2010. - 240 p.

Medvedev V. A., In Gorbachev’s team: A view from the inside. - M: Bylina, 1994. - 239 p., l. ill. ; 21 cm

Medvedev V.T., The Man Behind Your Back / V.T. Medvedev. - . - Moscow: UP Print, 2010. - 179, p., l. ill. : ill., portrait ; 23 cm

Prokofiev Yu. A. Before and after the ban of the CPSU. The first secretary of the Moscow City Committee of the CPSU remembers... M.: Algorithm Publishing House, EKSMO Publishing House, 2005. - 288 pp.: ill. - (Results of the Soviet era).

Ryzhkov N.I., Ten years of great upheavals. - M: Assoc. "Book. Enlightenment. Mercy", 1995. - 574, p., l. ill. : portrait ; 21 cm

Solomentsev M.S., Cleansing in the Politburo: how Gorbachev removed the “enemies of perestroika” / Mikhail Solomentsev. - Moscow: Eksmo Algorithm, 2011. - 221, p. ; 21 cm. - (The Court of History) Sukhodrev V.M., My language is my friend: from Khrushchev to Gorbachev.. / V.M. Sukhodrev. - Ed. 2nd, revised and additional - Moscow: TONCHU publishing house, 2008. - 535, p. : ill., portrait ; 21 cm - (Moscow book)

Falin V.M., Without discounts on circumstances: [Polit. memories] / Valentin Falin. - M: Republic Sovremennik, 1999. - 462 p., l. portrait ; 21 cm - (Cruel Age: Kremlin secrets)

Chazov E.I., Health and power: memoirs of a Kremlin doctor / Evgeny Chazov. - Moscow: Tsentrpoligraf, 2015. - 413, p., p. ill., portrait ; 23 cm - (Our 20th century)

Chernyaev A.S. Six years with Gorbachev: According to diary entries. M.: Publishing group “Progress” - “Culture”, 1993. - 528 p.

Shakhnazarov G. Kh. With and without leaders. M.: Vagrius, 2001. 592 p.

Shevardnadze E. A. When the Iron Curtain Collapsed. Meetings and memories / Transl. with him. G. Leonova. M.: Publishing house "Europe", 2009. - 428 p.

Yakovlev A. N., Twilight / Alexander Yakovlev; [Federal book publishing program Russia]. - M: Mainland, 2003. - 687 p. : portrait ; 22 cm.

Yanaev G.I., State Emergency Committee against Gorbachev: the last battle for the USSR / Gennady Yanaev. - Moscow: Algorithm Eksmo, 2010. - 237, p. ; 21 cm - (Judgment of History)

Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev
Predecessor:	Position established
Successor:	Position established
Predecessor:	The position has been created; himself as Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR
Successor:	Anatoly Ivanovich Lukyanov
11th Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR October 1, 1988 - May 25, 1989
Predecessor:	Andrey Andreevich Gromyko
Successor:	The position has been abolished; himself as Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR
Predecessor:	Konstantin Ustinovich Chernenko
Successor:	Vladimir Antonovich Ivashko (acting) Oleg Semenovich Shenin as Chairman of the Council of the UPC-CPSU
	1) CPSU (1952 - 1991) 2) RUSDP (2000-2001) 3) SDPR (2001 - 2007) 4) SSD (since 2007)
Education:
Profession:
Religion:
Birth:
	Sergei Andreevich Gorbachev
	Maria Panteleevna Gopkalo
	Raisa Maksimovna, born. Titarenko
	Irina Gorbacheva (Virganskaya)
Autograph:

At party work

Foreign policy

Relations with the West

Official recognition of Soviet responsibility for Katyn

Results of foreign policy

The situation in Transcaucasia

Conflict in the Fergana Valley

Entry of Soviet troops into Baku

Fighting in Yerevan

Baltic conflicts

After resignation

Family, personal life

Awards and honorary titles

Nobel Prize

Literary activity

Discography

Acting

In works of culture

Interesting facts

Nicknames

Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev(March 2, 1931, Privolnoye, North Caucasus Territory) - General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee (March 11, 1985 - August 23, 1991), first and last President of the USSR (March 15, 1990 - December 25, 1991). Head of the Gorbachev Foundation. Since 1993, co-founder of New Daily Newspaper CJSC (see Novaya Gazeta). He has a number of awards and honorary titles, the most famous of which is the 1990 Nobel Peace Prize. Head of the Soviet State from March 11, 1985 to December 25, 1991. Gorbachev’s activities as head of the CPSU and state are associated with a large-scale attempt at reform in the USSR - perestroika, which ended with the collapse of the world socialist system and the collapse of the USSR, as well as the end of the Cold War. Russian public opinion regarding Gorbachev’s role in the above events, it is extremely polarized.

Childhood and youth

Born on March 2, 1931 in the village of Privolnoye, Krasnogvardeisky district, Stavropol Territory (then North Caucasus Territory), into a peasant family. Father - Gorbachev Sergei Andreevich (1909-1976), Russian. Mother - Gopkalo Maria Panteleevna (1911-1993), Ukrainian.

From the age of 13, he periodically combined studying at school with work at MTS and on a collective farm. From the age of 15 he worked as an assistant combine operator at a machine and tractor station. In 1948, at the age of seventeen, he was awarded the Order of the Red Banner of Labor as a noble combine operator. In 1950, he entered M.V. Lomonosov Moscow State University without exams. After graduating from the Faculty of Law of Moscow State University in 1955, he was sent to Stavropol to the regional prosecutor's office. He worked as Deputy Head of the Agitation and Propaganda Department of the Stavropol Regional Committee of the Komsomol, First Secretary of the Stavropol City Komsomol Committee, then Second and First Secretary of the Regional Committee of the Komsomol (1955-1962).

In 1953 he married Raisa Maksimovna Titarenko (1932-1999).

At party work

In 1952 he was admitted to the CPSU.

Since March 1962 - party organizer of the regional committee of the CPSU of the Stavropol territorial production collective and state farm administration. Since 1963 - head of the department of party bodies of the Stavropol Regional Committee of the CPSU. In September 1966, he was elected First Secretary of the Stavropol City Party Committee. Graduated from the Faculty of Economics of the Stavropol Agricultural Institute (in absentia, 1967) with a degree in agronomist-economist. From August 1968 - second, and from April 1970 - First Secretary of the Stavropol Regional Committee of the CPSU.

In 1971-1992 he was a member of the CPSU Central Committee. Gorbachev was patronized by Andropov, Yuri Vladimirovich, who contributed to his transfer to Moscow. In November 1978, he was elected Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. From 1979 to 1980 - candidate member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee. In the early 80s, he made a series of foreign visits, during which he met Margaret Thatcher and became friends with Alexander Yakovlev, who then headed the Soviet embassy in Canada. Participated in the work of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee to resolve important government issues. From October 1980 to June 1992 - member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee, from December 1989 to June 1990 - Chairman of the Russian Bureau of the CPSU Central Committee, from March 1985 to August 1991 - General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee.

During the August 1991 putsch, he was removed from power by the State Emergency Committee, led by Vice-President Gennady Yanaev, and isolated in Foros; after the restoration of legitimate power, he returned from vacation to his post, which he held until the collapse of the USSR in December 1991.

He was elected as a delegate to the XXII (1961), XXIV (1971) and all subsequent (1976, 1981, 1986, 1990) congresses of the CPSU. From 1970 to 1990 he was a deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR of 8-12 convocations. Member of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR from 1985 to 1990; Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR from October 1988 to May 1989. Chairman of the Commission on Youth Affairs of the Union Council of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR (1974-1979); Chairman of the Commission for Legislative Proposals of the Council of the Union of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR (1979-1984); Chairman of the Commission on foreign affairs Council of the Union of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR (1984-1985); People's Deputy of the USSR from the CPSU - 1989 (March) - 1990 (March); Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR (formed by the Congress of People's Deputies) - 1989 (May) - 1990 (March); Deputy of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR 10-11 convocations.

On March 15, 1990, Mikhail Gorbachev was elected President of the USSR. At the same time, until December 1991, he was Chairman of the USSR Defense Council and Supreme Commander-in-Chief of the USSR Armed Forces.

Activities as Secretary General and President

Being at the pinnacle of power, Gorbachev carried out numerous reforms and campaigns, which later led to a market economy, the destruction of the monopoly power of the CPSU and the collapse of the USSR. The assessment of Gorbachev's activities is contradictory.

Conservative politicians criticized him for the economic devastation, the collapse of the Union and other consequences of perestroika.

Radical politicians criticized him for the inconsistency of his reforms and his attempt to preserve the old centrally planned economy and socialism.

Many Soviet, post-Soviet and foreign politicians and journalists welcomed Gorbachev's reforms, democracy and glasnost, the end of the Cold War, and the unification of Germany. Assessment of Gorbachev's activities abroad former USSR is more positive and less controversial than in the post-Soviet space.

Here is a short list of his initiatives and events directly or indirectly associated with him:

• On April 8, 1986, M.S. visited. Gorbachev in Tolyatti, where he visited the Volzhsky Automobile Plant. The result of this visit was the decision to create an engineering enterprise on the basis of the flagship of the domestic mechanical engineering industry - the industry scientific and technical center (STC) of AVTOVAZ OJSC, which was a significant event in the Soviet automobile industry. At his speech in Togliatti, Gorbachev clearly uttered the word “perestroika” for the first time; this was picked up by the media and became the slogan of the new era in the USSR.
• On May 15, 1986, a campaign began to intensify the fight against unearned income, which was locally understood as a fight against tutors, flower sellers, drivers who picked up passengers, and salespeople homemade bread V Central Asia. The campaign was soon curtailed and forgotten due to subsequent events.
• The anti-alcohol campaign in the USSR, launched on May 17, 1985, led to a 45% increase in prices for alcoholic beverages, a reduction in alcohol production, cutting down vineyards, the disappearance of sugar in stores due to moonshine and the introduction of sugar cards, an increase in life expectancy among the population, and a decrease in crime rates committed on the basis of alcoholism.
• Acceleration - this slogan was associated with promises to dramatically increase industry and the well-being of the people in a short time; campaign led to accelerated attrition production capacity, contributed to the start of the cooperative movement and prepared perestroika.
• Perestroika with alternating hesitant and drastic measures and countermeasures to introduce or limit a market economy and democracy.
• Power reform, introduction of elections to the Supreme Council and local Councils on an alternative basis.
• Glasnost, the actual lifting of party censorship on the media.
• Suppression of local national conflicts in which the authorities took brutal measures, in particular the forceful dispersal of a youth rally in Almaty, the deployment of troops into Azerbaijan, the dispersal of demonstrations in Georgia, the unfolding of a long-term conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh, the suppression of separatist aspirations of the Baltic republics.
• During the Gorbachev period there was a sharp decrease in the reproduction of the population of the USSR.
• The disappearance of food from stores, hidden inflation, the introduction of a rationing system for many types of food in 1989. The period of Gorbachev's rule was characterized by the washing out of goods from stores, as a result of pumping the economy with non-cash rubles, and subsequently by hyperinflation.
• Under Gorbachev, the Soviet Union's external debt reached a record high. Debts were taken out by Gorbachev at high interest rates - more than 8% per annum - from different countries. Russia was able to pay off the debts incurred by Gorbachev only 15 years after his resignation. At the same time, the USSR's gold reserves decreased tenfold: from more than 2,000 tons to 200. It was officially stated that all these huge funds were spent on the purchase of consumer goods. Approximate data are as follows: 1985, external debt - 31.3 billion dollars; 1991, external debt - 70.3 billion dollars (for comparison, total amount Russian external debt as of October 1, 2008 - $540.5 billion, including state external debt in foreign currency - about 40 billion dollars, or 8% of GDP - for more details, see the article External Debt of Russia). The peak of Russian government debt occurred in 1998 (146.4% of GDP).

• Reform of the CPSU, which led to the formation of several political platforms within it, and subsequently - the abolition of the one-party system and the removal of the constitutional status of the “leading and organizing force” from the CPSU.
• Rehabilitation of victims of Stalinist repressions who were not previously rehabilitated under Khrushchev.
• Weakening of control over the socialist camp (the Sinatra doctrine), which led, in particular, to a change of power in most socialist countries, the unification of Germany in 1990, the end of the Cold War (the latter in the United States is usually regarded as a victory for the American bloc).
• Ending the war in Afghanistan and the withdrawal of Soviet troops.
• The introduction of Soviet troops into Baku on the night of January 19-20, 1990, against the Popular Front of Azerbaijan. More than 130 dead, including women and children.
• Concealment from the public of the facts of the accident at the Chernobyl nuclear power plant on April 26, 1986.
• On November 7, 1990, there was an unsuccessful attempt on Gorbachev’s life.

Foreign policy

Relations with the West

Having come to power, Gorbachev tried to improve relations with the United States and Western Europe. One of the reasons for this was the desire to reduce exorbitant military spending (25% of the USSR state budget).

During the years of “perestroika,” the foreign policy of the USSR underwent serious changes. The reason for this was the slowdown in economic growth and economic stagnation in the first half of the 1980s. The Soviet Union was no longer able to withstand the arms race imposed by the United States.

During his years of rule, Gorbachev put forward many peace initiatives. An agreement was reached on the elimination of Soviet and American medium- and short-range missiles in Europe. The USSR government unilaterally declared a moratorium on nuclear weapons testing. However, peacefulness was sometimes regarded as weakness.

As the economic situation in the country worsened, the Soviet leadership considered reducing armaments and military spending as a way to solve financial problems, and therefore did not demand guarantees and adequate steps from its partners, while losing its position in the international arena.

Foreign policy of the USSR in the second half of the 1980s.

The withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan, the fall of the Berlin Wall, the victory of democratic forces in Eastern Europe, the collapse of the Warsaw Pact and the withdrawal of troops from Europe - all this became a symbol of the “loss of the USSR in the Cold War.”

On February 22, 1990, the head of the International Department of the CPSU Central Committee, V. Falin, sent a note to Gorbachev in which he reported new archival finds proving the connection between the sending of Poles from the camps in the spring of 1940 and their execution. He pointed out that the publication of such materials would completely undermine the official position of the Soviet government (about “lack of evidence” and “lack of documents”) and recommended urgently deciding on a new position. In this regard, it was proposed to inform Jaruzelski that there was no direct evidence (orders, instructions, etc.) that would allow him to name exact time and specific culprits Katyn tragedy, was not found, but “based on the indicated indications, we can conclude that the death of Polish officers in the Katyn area was the work of the NKVD and personally Beria and Merkulov.”

On April 13, 1990, during Jaruzelski's visit to Moscow, a TASS statement about the Katyn tragedy was published, which read:

Gorbachev handed over to Jaruzelski the discovered NKVD transfer lists from Kozelsk, from Ostashkov and from Starobelsk.

On September 27, 1990, the Main Military Prosecutor's Office of the USSR began a criminal investigation into the murders in Katyn, which received serial number 159. The investigation started by the Main Military Prosecutor's Office of the USSR was continued by the Main Military Prosecutor's Office of the Russian Federation and was conducted until the end of 2004; During it, witnesses and participants in the massacres of Poles were interrogated. On September 21, 2004, the GVP announced the termination of the Katyn case.

Results of foreign policy

• easing international tensions;
• the real elimination of entire classes of nuclear weapons and the liberation of Europe from conventional weapons, the cessation of the arms race, the end of the Cold War;
• the collapse of the bipolar system of international relations, which ensured stability in the world;
• the transformation of the United States after the collapse of the USSR into the only superpower;
• a decrease in Russia's defense capability, Russia's loss of allies in Eastern Europe and the Third World.

Interethnic conflicts and forceful solutions to problems

December events in Kazakhstan

December events (Kaz. Zheltoksan - December) - youth protests in Almaty and Karaganda that occurred on December 16-20, 1986, which began with Gorbachev’s decision to remove from office the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Kazakhstan, Dinmukhamed Akhmedovich Kunaev, who had been in office since 1964, and replace him with someone who had not previously worked in Kazakhstan ethnic Russian, Gennady Vasilyevich Kolbin, first secretary of the Ulyanovsk regional party committee. Participants in the protests protested against the appointment of a person to this position who did not think about the fate of the autochthonous people. The performances began on December 16, the first groups of youth came to the New (Brezhnev) Square of the capital demanding the cancellation of Kolbin’s appointment. Telephone communications in the city were immediately cut off, and these groups were dispersed by the police. But rumors about the performance on the square instantly spread throughout the city. On the morning of December 17, crowds of young people came to the square named after L. I. Brezhnev in front of the Central Committee building, demanding their rights and democracy. The demonstrators’ posters read “We demand self-determination!”, “Every nation has its own leader!”, “Don’t be the 37th!”, “Put an end to great power madness!” There were rallies for two days, both times ending in riots. When dispersing the demonstration, troops used sapper shovels, water cannons, and service dogs; It is also alleged that scrap reinforcement and steel cables were used. To maintain order in the city, workers' squads were used.

The situation in Transcaucasia

In August 1987, Karabakh Armenians sent a petition to Moscow, signed by tens of thousands of citizens, with a request to transfer NKAO to the Armenian SSR. On November 18 of the same year, in an interview with the French newspaper L'Humanité, advisor to M. S. Gorbachev, A. G. Aganbegyan makes the statement: “ I would like to know that Karabakh has become Armenian. As an economist, I believe that it is more connected with Armenia than with Azerbaijan" Similar statements are made by other public and political figures. The Armenian population of Nagorno-Karabakh organizes demonstrations calling for the transfer of NKAO to the Armenian SSR. In response, the Azerbaijani population of Nagorno-Karabakh begins to demand the preservation of NKAO as part of the Azerbaijan SSR. To maintain order, M. S. Gorbachev sent a motorized infantry battalion of the 160th regiment of internal troops of the USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs to Nagorno-Karabakh from Georgia.

On December 7, 1990, a regiment of internal troops of the USSR from the Tbilisi garrison was introduced into Tskhinvali.

Conflict in the Fergana Valley

The pogroms of Meskhetian Turks in 1989 in Uzbekistan are better known as the Fergana events. At the beginning of May 1990, a pogrom of Armenians and Jews took place in the Uzbek city of Andijan.

The events of January 1990 in the city of Baku (the capital of the Azerbaijan SSR), which ended with the entry of Soviet troops, resulting in the death of more than 130 people.

Fighting in Yerevan

On May 27, 1990, an armed clash between Armenian armed forces and internal troops occurred, resulting in the deaths of two soldiers and 14 militants.

Baltic conflicts

In January 1991, events took place in Vilnius and Riga, accompanied by the use of military force. During the events in Vilnius, units of the Soviet army stormed the television center, others public buildings(so-called “party property”) in Vilnius, Alytus, Siauliai.

After resignation

After the signing of the Belovezhskaya Accords (overcoming Gorbachev's objections), and the actual denunciation of the union treaty, on December 25, 1991, Mikhail Gorbachev resigned as head of state. From January 1992 to the present - President of the International Foundation for Socio-Economic and Political Science Research (Gorbachev Foundation). At the same time, from March 1993 to 1996 - President, and since 1996 - Chairman of the Board of the International Green Cross.

On May 30, 1994, Gorbachev visited Listyev in the first episode of the Rush Hour program. Excerpt from the conversation:

PSRL, t. 25, M. -L, 1949, p. 201

After his resignation, he complained that he was “blocked in everything,” that his family was constantly “under the surveillance” of the FSB, that his phones were constantly tapped, that he could only publish his books in Russia “underground”, in small editions.

In 1996, he nominated himself for the election of the President of the Russian Federation and, according to the voting results, received 386,069 votes (0.51%).

In 2000, he became the head of the Russian United Social Democratic Party, which in 2001 merged with the Social Democratic Party of Russia (SDPR); from 2001 to 2004 - leader of the SDPR.

On July 12, 2007, SDPR was liquidated (deregistered) by decision of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation.

On October 20, 2007 he became head All-Russian public movement "Union of Social Democrats".

At the suggestion of journalist Evgeniy Dodolev, the new US President Obama, some Russian journalists began to be compared with Gorbachev.

In 2008, in an interview with Vladimir Pozner on Channel One, Mikhail Gorbachev said:

PSRL, t. 25, M. -L, 1949, p. 201

PSRL, t. 25, M. -L, 1949, p. 201

In a 2009 interview with Euronews, Gorbachev reiterated that his plan did not “fail,” but on the contrary, then “democratic reforms began,” and that Perestroika won.

In October 2009, in an interview with Radio Liberty editor-in-chief Lyudmila Telen, Gorbachev admitted his responsibility for the collapse of the USSR:

PSRL, t. 25, M. -L, 1949, p. 201

Family, personal life

Spouse - Raisa Maksimovna Gorbacheva(née Titarenko), died in 1999 from leukemia. She lived and worked in Moscow for more than 30 years.

• Ksenia Anatolyevna Virganskaya(1980) - journalist in a glossy magazine.
• First husband - Kirill Solod, son of a businessman (1981), married on April 30, 2003 in the Griboyedovsky registry office,
• Second husband - Dmitry Pyrchenkov (former concert director of singer Abraham Russo), married in 2009
• Great-granddaughter - Alexandra Pyrchenkova (October 2008).

• Anastasia Anatolyevna Virganskaya(1987) - graduate of the Faculty of Journalism of MGIMO, works as chief editor on the Internet site Trendspase.ru,
• husband Dmitry Zangiev (1987), married March 20, 2010. Dmitry graduated from the Eastern University of the Russian Academy of Sciences, studied in graduate school at the Russian Academy of Civil Service under the President of the Russian Federation in 2010, and worked in 2010 in an advertising agency that advertises Louis Vuitton, Max Mara Fashion Group.

Brother - Alexander Sergeevich Gorbachev(September 7, 1947 - December 2001) - military man, graduated from higher education military school in Leningrad. He served in the strategic radar forces and retired with the rank of colonel.

Awards and honorary titles

Nobel Prize

“In recognition of his leading role in the peace process, which today characterizes an important part of the life of the international community,” he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize on October 15, 1990. At the award ceremony, Gorbachev gave a Nobel lecture, in the preparation of which one of his assistants, Vladimir Afanasyevich Zots, took part. (Instead of Gorbachev, Deputy Foreign Minister Kovalev received the Nobel Prize)

Criticism

Gorbachev's reign was associated with radical changes that led to destruction and unjustified hopes. Therefore, in Russia Gorbachev was criticized from different positions.

Here are some examples of critical statements related to perestroika and Gorbachev, by which one can judge the discussions that unfolded on this topic:

• Alfred Rubiks: “We did not intend to seize power”

PSRL, t. 25, M. -L, 1949, p. 201

• There is also an opinion that Gorbachev acted essentially unethically towards the officers Soviet Army. After the agreements in Sochi, Gorbachev hastily and unilaterally ordered the withdrawal of the Soviet contingent from the GDR. In this case, the withdrawal took place to unprepared places, to the so-called field camps.

• There is an opinion that Gorbachev pursued his policy very naively, without taking into account historical realities. In his memoirs about his time in office, Gorbachev writes that the chancellor invited him to visit Germany. “In this way,” Gorbachev is still confident today, “we cemented our political friendship with personal obligations to be true to our word, and included an emotional component in politics.” Alla Yaroshinskaya (Rosbalt) argues that Gorbachev relied excessively on the “given word” and the “emotional component,” which were not supported by any serious international documents. In her opinion, today's Russia still suffers from this.

Literary activity

• "A Time for Peace" (1985)
• "The Coming Century of Peace" (1986)
• "Peace has no alternative" (1986)
• "Moratorium" (1986)
• "Selected Speeches and Articles" (vols. 1-7, 1986-1990)
• “Perestroika: new thinking for our country and for the whole world” (1988)
• “The August putsch. Causes and Effects" (1991)
• “December-91. My position" (1992)
• "Years difficult decisions"(1993)
• “Life and Reforms” (2 vols., 1995)
• “Reformers are never happy” (dialogue with Zdenek Mlynar, in Czech, 1995)
• “I want to warn you...” (1996)
• “Moral Lessons of the 20th Century” in 2 volumes (dialogue with D. Ikeda, in Japanese, German, French, 1996)
• "Reflections on October Revolution"(1997)
• “New thinking. Politics in the era of globalization" (co-authored with V. Zagladin and A. Chernyaev, in German, 1997)
• "Reflections on the Past and Future" (1998)
• “Understand perestroika... Why is it important now” (2006)

In 1991, Gorbachev’s wife R. M. Gorbachev personally agreed with the American publisher Murdoch to publish her book of “reflections” with a fee of $3 million. Some publicists believe that this was a disguised bribe, since the publication of the book was unlikely to cover the fee.

In 2008, Gorbachev book exhibition in Frankfurt presented the first 5 books from his own 22-volume collected works, which will include all his publications from the 1960s until the early 1990s.

Discography

• 2009 - “Songs for Raisa” (Together with A.V. Makarevich)

Acting

• Mikhail Gorbachev played himself in Wim Wenders' feature film So Far, So Close! (1993), and also participated in a number of documentaries.
• In 1997, he starred in an advertisement for the Pizza Hut pizzeria chain. According to the video, Gorbachev’s main achievement as head of state was the appearance of Pizza Hut in Russia.
• In 2000, he starred in a commercial for the Austrian National Railways.
• In 2004 - Grammy Award for scoring Sergei Prokofiev’s musical fairy tale “Peter and the Wolf” (Grammy Awards of 2004, “Best Spoken Word Album for Children”, together with Sophia Loren and Bill Clinton).
• In 2007, he starred in an advertisement for the leather accessories manufacturer Louis Vuitton. The same year he starred in documentary film Leonardo DiCaprio's The Eleventh Hour, about environmental issues.
• In 2009, he took part in the “Minute of Fame” project (member of the jury).
• In 2010, he was an invited guest on a Japanese entertainment television show with a culinary focus - SMAPxSMAP.

In works of culture

• “He came to give us freedom” - documentary, Channel One, 2011

Parodies

• Gorbachev’s recognizable voice and characteristic gestures were parodied by many pop artists, including Gennady Khazanov, Vladimir Vinokur, Mikhail Grushevsky, Mikhail Zadornov, Maxim Galkin, Igor Khristenko and others. And not only on the stage. This is what Vladimir Vinokur said.

• Gorbachev was also parodied by many KVN players - in particular, members of the DSU KVN team in the number “Foros” (to the tune of Vladimir Vysotsky’s song “The One Who Was With Her Before”).

• The State Emergency Committee tried to remove Gorbachev “for health reasons,” but he himself left his post four months later “for reasons of principle,” although in his last decree he did not indicate the reason for his resignation from the post of head of the Soviet state.
• The text of the USSR constitution did not mention the resignation of the president.
• Military rank- reserve colonel (assigned by order of the USSR Minister of Defense in 1978)
• On November 12, 1992, Revolution Avenue was renamed in Grozny in honor of Gorbachev, but due to the deterioration of relations between Chechnya and central authorities, Gorbachev Avenue was renamed back. Now it bears the name of the dancer Makhmud Esambaev.
• Gorbachev is the only leader of the USSR born after the 1917 revolution.

Nicknames

• "Bear"
• "Gorby" (English) Gorby) - a familiar and friendly name for Gorbachev in the West.
• “Marked” - for a birthmark on the head (in early photographs it was retouched). Found in one of Nikita Dzhigurda's songs (“We read books//Tagged Bear//And delve into important matters”), currently this nickname is occasionally used as an allusion to the nickname of the main character of the S.T.A.L.K.E.R. game series.
• “Humpbacked” (association with the character in the film “The Meeting Place Cannot Be Changed”) or “Humpbacked Man” for short. During Gorbachev’s reign, the proverbs “The hunchback’s grave will correct” and “God marks the rogue” among the broad masses were often pronounced with a double, unkind meaning.
• “Mineral Secretary”, “Sokin Son”, “Lemonade Joe” - for the anti-alcohol campaign (at the same time, Gorbachev himself stated: “They tried to make an inveterate teetotaler out of me during the anti-alcohol campaign”).
• G.O.R.B.A.CH.E.V - abbreviation: citizens - wait - rejoice - Brezhnev - Andropov - Chernenko - still - remember (Option: “Citizens - Rejoiced - Early - Brezhnev - Andropov - Chernenko - More - Remember"). Another option - “Ready to Cancel the Decisions of Brezhnev, Andropov, Chernenko, If I Survive” - appeared after he came to power, it was immediately noticed that his name contains a chronologically correct list of the names of the leaders of the USSR, and doubt about the duration of his reign, then people were under impressions from a series of funerals of predecessors.
• The first president of the USSR himself deciphered the CIS as “They managed to harm Gorbachev.”