Alexander Isaevich Solzhenitsyn. Biographical information. The phenomenon of Solzhenitsyn

At one time, M. Gorky very accurately described the contradictory character of the Russian person: “Piebald people are good and bad together.” In many ways, this “piebaldism” became the subject of research by Solzhenitsyn.

The main character of the story “An Incident at Kochetonka Station” (1962), a young lieutenant Vasya Zotov, embodies the kindest human traits: intelligence, openness towards a front-line soldier or encirclement who entered the room of the line commandant’s office, a sincere desire to help in any situation. Two female images, only slightly outlined by the writer, they highlight Zotov’s deep integrity, and even the very thought of cheating on his wife, who found herself in occupation under the Germans, is impossible for him.

The compositional center of the story is Zotov’s meeting with those around him who have lagged behind his echelon, who amazes him with their intelligence and gentleness. Everything - the words, the intonations of his voice, the soft gestures of this man, who is capable of carrying himself with dignity and gentleness even in the monstrous flaw he wears - attracts the hero: he “was extremely pleased with his manner of speaking; his manner of stopping if it seemed that the interlocutor wanted to object; his manner is not to wave his arms, but to somehow explain his speech with light movements of his fingers.” He reveals to him his half-childhood dreams of escaping to Spain, talks about his longing for the front and looks forward to several hours of wonderful communication with an intelligent, cultured and knowledgeable person - an actor before the war, a militiaman without a rifle - at its beginning, his recent entourage, who miraculously escaped German “cauldron” and now lagged behind their train - without documents, with a meaningless catch-up sheet, in essence, not a document at all. And here the author shows the struggle of two principles in Zotov’s soul: human and inhuman, evil, suspicious. Already after a spark of understanding ran between Zotov and Tveritinov, which once arose between Marshal Davout and Pierre Bezukhov, which then saved Pierre from execution, a circular appears in Zotov’s mind, crossing out the sympathy and trust that arose between two hearts that had not yet had time to cool down. war. “The lieutenant put on his glasses and again looked at the catch-up sheet. The catch-up sheet, in fact, was not a real document; it was drawn up from the words of the applicant and could contain the truth, or it could contain a lie. The instructions demanded that we treat those around us extremely carefully, and even more so those who are alone.” And Tveritinov’s accidental slip of the tongue (he only asks what Stalingrad was called before) turns into disbelief in Zotov’s young and pure soul, already poisoned by the poison of suspicion: “And - everything broke off and went cold in Zotov<...>. So, not an encirclement. Sent! Agent! Probably a white emigrant, that’s why his manners are like that.” What saved Pierre did not save the unfortunate and helpless Tveritinov - the young lieutenant “surrenders” the person he just fell in love with and so sincerely interested in to the NKVD, and last words Tveritinova: “What are you doing! What are you doing!<...>You can’t fix this!!” - are confirmed by the last, chordal, as always with Solzhenitsyn, phrase: “But never in his entire life could Zotov forget this man...”.

Naive kindness and cruel suspicion are two qualities that seem incompatible, but are quite conditioned Soviet era 30s - are combined in the hero’s soul.

The inconsistency of character sometimes appears from the comic side - as in the story “Zakhar-Kalita” (1965).

This short story the whole thing is built on contradictions, and in this sense it is very characteristic of the writer’s poetics. Its deliberately lightweight beginning seems to parody the common motifs of confessional or lyrical prose of the 60s, which clearly simplify the problem national character.

“My friends, are you asking me to tell you something about summer cycling?” - this beginning, setting us up for something summery, holiday and optional, contrasts with the content of the story itself, where on several pages the picture of the September battle of 1380 is recreated. But even turning back six centuries, Solzhenitsyn cannot sentimentally and blissfully, in accordance with the “bicycle ” at the beginning, look at the turning point in Russian history, burdened with historiographical solemnity: “The truth of history is bitter, but it is easier to express it than to hide it: not only the Circassians and Genoese were brought by Mamai, not only the Lithuanians were in alliance with him, but also Prince Oleg of Ryazan.<...>That’s why the Russians crossed the Don, so that the Don could protect their backs from their own people, from the Ryazan people: they wouldn’t hit you, Orthodox Christians.” The contradictions hidden in the soul of one person are characteristic of the nation as a whole: “Isn’t this where the fate of Russia came from? Is this where the turn of her story took place? Was it always only through Smolensk and Kyiv that enemies swarmed against us?..” So, from the inconsistency of national consciousness, Solzhenitsyn takes a step towards exploring the inconsistency of national life, which led much later to other turns in Russian history.

But if the narrator can pose such questions to himself and comprehend them, then the main character of the story, the self-proclaimed watchman of the Kulikovo field Zakhar-Kalita, simply embodies an almost instinctive desire to preserve the lost property. historical memory. There is no sense in his constant, day and night, presence on the field, but the very fact of the existence of a funny, eccentric person is significant for Solzhenitsyn. Before describing it, he seems to stop in bewilderment and even slips into sentimental, almost Karamzin-like intonations, beginning the phrase with such a characteristic interjection “ah”, and ending with question marks and exclamation marks.

On the one hand, the Warden of the Kulikovo Field with his senseless activities is ridiculous, just as ridiculous are his intentions to reach Furtseva, the then Minister of Culture, in search of his truth, known only to him. The narrator cannot help but laugh, comparing him with a dead warrior, next to whom, however, there is neither a sword nor a shield, and instead of a helmet there is a worn-out cap and a bag with selected bottles near his arm. On the other hand, the completely disinterested and meaningless, it would seem, devotion to Paul as a visible embodiment of Russian history makes us see something real in this figure - grief. The author's position is not clarified - Solzhenitsyn seems to be balancing on the verge of the comic and the serious, seeing one of the bizarre and extraordinary forms of the Russian national character. Comical for all the meaninglessness of his life on the Field (the heroes even suspect that in this way Zakhar-Kalita is shirking hard rural work) is his claim to seriousness and self-importance, his complaints that he, the caretaker of the Field, is not given weapons. And next to this is the hero’s not at all comic passion to testify to the historical glory of Russian weapons in the ways available to him. And then “all the mocking and condescending things that we thought about him yesterday immediately disappeared. On this frosty morning, rising from the hay, he was no longer a Caretaker, but, as it were, the Spirit of this Field, guarding it and never leaving it.”

Of course, the distance between the narrator and the hero is enormous: the hero does not have access to the historical material with which the narrator freely operates; they belong to different cultural and social environments, but they are brought together by their true devotion to national history and culture, belonging to which makes it possible to overcome social and cultural differences.

Turning to folk character in stories published in the first half of the 60s, Solzhenitsyn offers literature a new concept of personality. His heroes, such as Matryona, Ivan Denisovich (the image of the janitor Spiridon from the novel “In the First Circle” gravitates towards them), are people who do not reflect, living by certain natural, as if given from the outside, ideas developed in advance and not developed by them. And, following these ideas, it is important to survive physically in conditions that are not at all conducive to physical survival, but not at the cost of losing one’s own human dignity. To lose it means to die, that is, having survived physically, to cease to be a person, to lose not only the respect of others, but also respect for oneself, which is tantamount to death. Explaining this, so to speak, ethics of survival, Shukhov recalls the words of his first foreman Kuzemin: “In the camp, this is who is dying: who licks the bowls, who hopes for the medical unit, and who goes to knock on the godfather.”

With the image of Ivan Denisovich, a new ethics seemed to come into literature, forged in the camps through which a very large part of society passed. (Many pages of “The Gulag Archipelago” will be devoted to the study of this ethics.) Shukhov, not wanting to lose his human dignity, is not at all inclined to take all the blows. camp life- otherwise you simply won’t survive. “That’s right, groan and rot,” he notes. “If you resist, you’ll break.” In this sense, the writer denies the generally accepted romantic ideas about the proud opposition of the individual to tragic circumstances, on which literature brought up the generation of Soviet people of the 30s. And in this sense, the contrast between Shukhov and the captain Buinovsky, a hero who takes the blow upon himself, is interesting, but often, as it seems to Ivan Denisovich, it is senseless and self-destructive. The protests of the kavtorang against the morning search in the cold of people who have just woken up after getting up and shivering from the cold are naive:

“Buinovsky - in the throat, he’s used to his destroyers, but he hasn’t been in the camp for three months:

You have no right to undress people in the cold! You don’t know the ninth article of the criminal code!..

They have. They know. This is something you don’t know yet, brother.”

The purely folk, peasant practicality of Ivan Denisovich helps him survive and preserve himself as a man - without asking himself eternal questions, without trying to generalize the experience of his military and camp life, where he ended up after captivity (neither the investigator who interrogated Shukhov, nor he himself ever were able to figure out what kind of German intelligence task he was performing). He, of course, does not have access to the level of historical and philosophical generalization of the camp experience as a facet of the national-historical existence of the 20th century, which Solzhenitsyn himself takes on in “The Gulag Archipelago.”

In the story “One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich,” Solzhenitsyn is faced with the creative task of combining two points of view - the author and the hero, points of view that are not opposite, but ideologically similar, but differing in the level of generalization and breadth of material. This task is solved almost exclusively by stylistic means, when there is a barely noticeable gap between the speech of the author and the character, sometimes increasing, sometimes almost disappearing.

Solzhenitsyn addresses in a fabulous manner a narrative that gives Ivan Denisovich the opportunity for verbal self-realization, but this is not a direct tale reproducing the hero’s speech, but introducing the image of a narrator whose position is close to that of the hero. This narrative form made it possible at some moments to distance the author and the hero, to make a direct conclusion of the narrative from the “author’s Shukhov” to the “author’s Solzhenitsyn’s” speech... By shifting the boundaries of Shukhov’s sense of life, the author gained the right to see what his hero could not see , something that is beyond Shukhov’s competence, while the relationship between the author’s speech plan and the hero’s plan can be shifted in the opposite direction - their points of view and their stylistic masks will immediately coincide. Thus, “the syntactic-stylistic structure of the story was formed as a result of the peculiar use of related possibilities of the tale, shifts from improperly direct to improperly authorial speech,” which are equally focused on conversational features Russian language.

Both the hero and the narrator (here is the obvious basis for their unity, expressed in the speech elements of the work) have access to that specifically Russian view of reality, which is usually called folk. It was the experience of a purely “peasant” perception of the camp as one of the aspects of Russian life in the 20th century. and paved the way for the story to reach the readers of Novy Mir and the entire country. Solzhenitsyn himself recalled this in “Telenok”:

“I won’t say that this is an exact plan, but I had a correct guess and presentiment: the top man Alexander Tvardovsky and the top man Nikita Khrushchev cannot remain indifferent to this man Ivan Denisovich. And so it came true: it was not even poetry and not even politics that decided the fate of my story, but this down-to-earth peasant essence of it, which has been ridiculed, trampled and reviled so much among us since the Great Turning Point, and even before that” (p. 27).

In the stories published then, Solzhenitsyn did not yet approach one of the most important topics for him - the topic of resistance to the anti-people regime. It will become one of the most important in the “GULAG Archipelago”. While the writer was interested in himself folk character and his existence “in the very interior of Russia - if there was such a thing somewhere, lived”, in the very Russia that the narrator is looking for in the story “ Matrenin Dvor" But he finds it untouched by the turmoil of the 20th century. an island of natural Russian life, but a national character that managed to preserve itself in this turmoil. “There are such born angels,” the writer wrote in the article “Repentance and Self-Restraint,” as if characterizing Matryona, “they seem to be weightless, they seem to glide over this slurry, without drowning in it at all, even if their feet touch its surface? Each of us has met such people, there are not ten or a hundred of them in Russia, these are righteous people, we saw them, were surprised (“eccentrics”), took advantage of their goodness, in good moments responded to them in kind, they have a positive attitude, and immediately immersed themselves again to our doomed depths” (Publicism, vol. 1, p. 61). What is the essence of Matryona's righteousness? In life, not by lies, we will now say in the words of the writer himself, spoken much later. She is outside the sphere of the heroic or exceptional, she realizes herself in the most ordinary, everyday situation, experiences all the “charms” of the Soviet rural novelty of the 50s: having worked all her life, she is forced to worry about a pension not for herself, but for husband, missing since the beginning of the war, walking kilometers and bowing to office desks. Unable to buy peat, which is mined all around but is not sold to collective farmers, she, like all her friends, is forced to take it secretly. In creating this character, Solzhenitsyn places him in the most ordinary circumstances of rural collective farm life in the 50s. with her lack of rights and arrogant disregard for an ordinary, non-official person. Matryona's righteousness lies in her ability to preserve her humanity even in such inaccessible conditions.

But who does Matryona oppose, in other words, in a collision with what forces does her essence manifest itself? In an encounter with Thaddeus, a black old man who appears before the narrator, school teacher and Matryona’s lodger, on the threshold of her hut, when he came with a humiliating request for his grandson? He crossed this threshold forty years ago, with rage in his heart and an ax in his hands - his bride from the war did not wait, she married his brother. “I stood on the threshold,” says Matryona. - I’ll scream! I would throw myself at his knees! You can’t... Well, he says, if it weren’t for my dear brother, I would have chopped you both up!”

According to some researchers, the story “Matrenin's Dvor” is hidden mystical.

Already at the very end of the story, after Matryona’s death, Solzhenitsyn lists her quiet advantages:

“Ununderstood and abandoned even by her husband, who buried six children, but did not have a sociable disposition, a stranger to her sisters, sisters-in-law, funny, foolishly working for others for free - she did not accumulate property for death. A dirty white goat, a lanky cat, ficus trees...

We all lived next to her and did not understand that she was the very same farmer without whom, according to the proverb, the village would not stand.

Neither the city.

Neither the whole land is ours.”

And the highly dramatic ending of the story (Matryona dies under a train while helping Thaddeus transport the logs of her own hut) gives the ending a very special, symbolic meaning: She’s no longer there, so the village isn’t worth living without her? And the city? And all the land is ours?

In 1995-1999 Solzhenitsyn published new stories, which he called “two-part.” Their most important compositional principle is the opposition of the two parts, which makes it possible to compare two human destinies and characters that manifested themselves differently in the general context of historical circumstances. Their heroes - and people who seemed to have sunk into the abyss of Russian history and left a bright mark on it, such as, for example, Marshal G. K. Zhukov - are considered by the writer from a purely personal point of view, regardless of official regalia, if any available. The problematic of these stories is shaped by the conflict between history and the individual. The ways to resolve this conflict, no matter how different they may seem, always lead to the same result: a person who has lost faith and is disoriented in the historical space, a person who does not know how to sacrifice himself and makes a compromise, finds himself ground down and crushed by the terrible era in which he finds himself live.

Pavel Vasilyevich Ektov is a rural intellectual who saw the meaning of his life in serving the people, confident that “everyday assistance to the peasant in his current urgent needs, alleviation of people’s needs in any real form does not require any justification.” During the Civil War, Ektov saw no other option for himself, a populist and lover of the people, than to join the peasant insurgent movement led by Ataman Antonov. The most educated person among Antonov's associates, Ektov became his chief of staff. Solzhenitsyn shows the tragic zigzag in the fate of this generous and honest man, who inherited from the Russian intelligentsia the inescapable moral need to serve the people and share the peasant pain. But betrayed by the same peasants (“on the second night he was handed over to the security officers on the denunciation of a neighbor’s woman”), Ektov is broken by blackmail: he cannot find the strength in himself to sacrifice his wife and daughter and goes to terrible crime, in fact, “surrendering” the entire Antonov headquarters - those people to whom he came himself in order to share their pain, with whom he needed to be in hard times, so as not to hide in his hole in Tambov and not despise himself! Solzhenitsyn shows the fate of a crushed man who finds himself faced with an insoluble life equation and is not ready to solve it. He can put his life on the altar, but the life of his daughter and wife?.. Is a person even able to do such a thing? “The Bolsheviks used a great lever: taking families hostage.”

The conditions are such that a person’s virtuous qualities turn against him. A bloody civil war squeezes a private person between two millstones, grinding his life, his destiny, his family, his moral convictions.

“Sacrifice his wife and Marinka (daughter - M.G.), step over them - how could he??

For who else in the world - or for what else in the world? - is he responsible more than for them?

Yes, the fullness of life - and they were.

And hand them over yourself? Who can do this?!”

The situation appears to the Ego as hopeless. The irreligious-humanistic tradition, dating back to the Renaissance era and directly denied by Solzhenitsyn in his Harvard speech, prevents a person from feeling his responsibility beyond his family. “In the story “Ego,” says modern researcher P. Spivakovsky, “it is precisely shown how the irreligious-humanistic consciousness of the main character turns out to be a source of betrayal.” The hero's inattention to the sermons of rural priests is very characteristic feature the worldview of the Russian intellectual, to which Solzhenitsyn casually draws attention. After all, Ektov is a supporter of “real”, material, practical activity, but focusing on it alone, alas, leads to oblivion of the spiritual meaning of life. Perhaps the church sermon, which the Ego arrogantly refuses, could be the source of “that very real help, without which the hero falls into the trap of his own worldview,” that same humanistic, irreligious, which does not allow the individual to feel his responsibility before God, but his own fate - as part of God's providence.

A person in the face of inhuman circumstances, changed, ground by them, unable to refuse a compromise and deprived of a Christian worldview, defenseless before the conditions of a forced transaction (can the Ego be judged for this?) - is another typical situation in our history.

Two traits of the Russian intellectual led Ego to a compromise: belonging to non-religious humanism and following the revolutionary-democratic tradition. But, paradoxically, the writer saw similar collisions in Zhukov’s life (the story “On the Edges,” paired with “Ego” in a two-part composition). The connection between his fate and the fate of Ego is surprising - both fought on the same front, only on opposite sides: Zhukov - on the side of the Reds, Ego - on the side of the rebel peasants. And Zhukov was wounded in this war with his own people, but, unlike the idealist Ego, he survived. In his history, full of ups and downs, in victories over the Germans and in painful defeats in apparatus games with Khrushchev, in the betrayal of people whom he himself once saved (Khrushchev - twice, Konev from the Stalinist tribunal in 1941), in the fearlessness of youth, In the commander’s cruelty, in the senile helplessness, Solzhenitsyn is trying to find the key to understanding this fate, the fate of the marshal, one of those Russian soldiers who, according to I. Brodsky, “bravely entered other people’s capitals, / but returned in fear to their own” (“ To the death of Zhukov”, 1974). In ups and downs, he sees weakness behind the iron will of the marshal, which manifested itself in a completely human tendency to compromise. And here is the continuation of the most important theme of Solzhenitsyn’s work, which began in “One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich” and reached its culmination in “The Gulag Archipelago”: this theme is connected with the study of the limits of compromise, which a person who wants not to lose himself must know. Crushed by heart attacks and strokes, senile infirmity, Zhukov appears at the end of the story - but this is not his problem, but in the next compromise (he inserted two or three phrases into the book of memoirs about the role of political instructor Brezhnev in the victory), which he made in order to see his book published. Compromise and indecision at turning points in life, the same fear that he experienced when returning to his capital, broke and finished off the marshal - in a different way than Ego, but essentially the same. The ego is helpless to change anything when it betrays terribly and cruelly. Zhukov, too, can only look back helplessly at the edge of life: “Perhaps even then, even then, I should have made up my mind? Oh, oh, it seems - he's been a fool, he's been a fool?..” The hero is not given the opportunity to understand that he was mistaken not when he did not decide on a military coup and did not become the Russian de Gaulle, but when he, a peasant son, almost praying to his idol Tukhachevsky, he participated in the destruction of the world of the Russian village that gave birth to him, when peasants were smoked out of the forests with gases, and “bandied” villages were burned completely.

The stories about Ektov and Zhukov are addressed to the destinies of subjectively honest people, broken by the terrible historical circumstances of the Soviet era. But another version of a compromise with reality is also possible - complete and joyful submission to it and natural oblivion of any pangs of conscience. This is the story “ Apricot jam" The first part of this story is a terrible letter addressed to a living classic Soviet literature. It is written by a semi-literate person who is quite clearly aware of the hopelessness of the Soviet clutches of life, from which he, the son of dispossessed parents, will no longer escape, having perished in labor camps:

“I am a slave in extreme circumstances, and I am destined to live like this until the last insult. Maybe it would be inexpensive for you to send me a grocery parcel? Have mercy..."

A food parcel - perhaps it contains the salvation of this man, Fyodor Ivanovich, who has become just a unit of the forced Soviet labor army, a unit whose life has no meaning at all significant price. The second part of the story is a description of the life of a beautiful dacha famous Writer, rich, warmed and caressed at the very top - a man happy from a successfully found compromise with the authorities, joyfully lying both in journalism and in literature. The Writer and the Critic, conducting literary and official conversations over tea, are in a different world than the entire Soviet country. The voice of a letter with words of truth that have flown into this world of rich writers' cottages cannot be heard by representatives of the literary elite: deafness is one of the conditions for a compromise with the authorities. The Writer’s delight at the fact that “a letter with a pristine language emerges from the depths of modern readers is the height of cynicism.<...>what a masterful, and at the same time captivating combination and control of words! The writer is envious too!” A letter appealing to the conscience of a Russian writer (according to Solzhenitsyn, the hero of his story is not a Russian, but Soviet writer), becomes only material for the study of non-standard speech patterns that help stylization folk speech, which is interpreted as exotic and subject to reproduction by a “folk” Writer, as if knowing national life from the inside. Highest degree disdain for the cry of a tortured man sounded in the letter is visible in the Writer’s remark when he is asked about his connection with the correspondent: “Why answer, the answer is not the point. It’s a matter of language discovery.”

The story “One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich” turns 50 years old

Exactly half a century ago, in November 1962, in the eleventh issue of Novy Mir, a story by a then unknown author, “One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich,” was published - and the world heard this name for the first time: Solzhenitsyn. When the manuscript of “One Day” appeared in the editorial office of Novy Mir, Alexander Tvardovsky, before starting a difficult and, as it seemed then, almost certainly doomed to failure, struggle for it, gave it to some of his closest friends to read. Among its first readers (not counting the editorial staff) was Samuil Yakovlevich Marshak.

Telling me about it, he, among other things, said: “I always told Alexander Trifonovich: you need to patiently, skillfully, diligently build a fire. And fire will fall from the sky...

Solzhenitsyn, no matter what you say now, was then for us precisely this very fire that fell from the sky. The appearance of this Solzhenitsyn story on the pages of Novy Mir was, first of all, of course, a huge social event, comparable in significance, perhaps, only to Khrushchev’s closed report at the 20th Congress. But “Ivan Denisovich” captivated me - me personally - not only by this.

At that time, I had already read quite a few camp manuscripts circulating in samizdat. I also read Yuliy Margolin’s wonderful book “Journey to the Land of Ze-Ka”, published already in 1952 in New York, I already knew Shalamov... Is it for this reason, or for some other reason, but because he raised a new one, as then It was believed that a layer of life untouched by no one had touched him; Solzhenitsyn did not strike me. His “Ivan Denisovich” struck me as a literary and artistic event.

I remember well the conversation I had about Solzhenitsyn with one of my close friends. "Do you really think that he great writer?,” he asked. “Maybe not great,” I replied. “But it’s all from there, not from our Soviet, but from that great Russian literature.” And now half a century has passed. The deadline is not only for human life, but also significant for history. A lot has happened in our lives over these fifty years.



Solzhenitsyn changed (or maybe he didn’t change, but opened up, stopped hiding, became more and more open?), and my attitude towards him changed. If earlier words such as “amazement”, “admiration”, “delight” came to mind to denote this attitude of mine, now completely different ones were more appropriate: “bewilderment”, “disappointment”, “irritation”, “repulsion” . And the further, the worse: “hostility”, “indignation”, “indignation”, and in other cases even “disgust”.

But that remark of mine, that answer to my friend’s question whether I consider Solzhenitsyn a great writer, I am ready, without pretense, to repeat today. I won’t say this about Solzhenitsyn’s other books, but my attitude towards One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich has not changed over the past half century.

Around the same time, half a century ago, I began to write (on the table, without any hope of seeing it published) the book I had long planned, “The Mandelstam Case.” Looming ahead were the “Zoshchenko Case”, “Mayakovsky Case”, “Ehrenburg Case”. I had no hope then that I would be able to realize all these plans of mine. They were too vast. But neither then, nor for a long time afterwards, did it even occur to me that it would be necessary to add one more to these - then not yet realized - plans of mine: “The case of Solzhenitsyn.”


This is how geniuses sometimes come into life...


And only quite recently, already at the end of half a century, I suddenly felt an irresistible need to write about him. And so I wrote. True, he called this book of his a little differently: not “The Case”, but “The Solzhenitsyn Phenomenon”. Why did I suddenly have such a need? And for some reason they were all “cases”, and then suddenly there was a “phenomenon”?

This second question will be quite easy for me to answer. It is enough to quote the short epigraph that I prefaced this book of mine:
PHENOMENON - 1) a rare, unusual phenomenon or an outstanding, exceptional person in some respect; 2) the subjective content of our consciousness, which does not reflect objective reality (Dictionary foreign words). Both meanings of this word apply to Solzhenitsyn, like no one else. No matter how you look at him, he is an exceptional person, truly phenomenal.

This personal drive is phenomenal, incomparable to anyone else, this reckless courage with which he - alone - entered into battle with a powerful nuclear power, his amazing efficiency, even in comparison with Leo Tolstoy, whose collected works amounted to ninety volumes, is amazing imagination productivity.

But the second meaning of the word “phenomenon”, which the dictionary of foreign words gives us, can be attributed to the figure of Solzhenitsyn rather than to any other.

Everyone's destiny great artist borders on myth, and is often inseparable from myth. But I don’t know of another example when a myth “did not reflect objective reality” to such an extent, as we see in the case of Solzhenitsyn. That's just the point, that Alexander Isaevich turned out to be not at all the person we took him for. (And many still continue to take it.)


The people painfully connected these two facets of their own lives


As for the first question (why suddenly - and even so late - did I feel the need to write a book about Solzhenitsyn), then, answering the second, I have almost answered that too.

The literature on Solzhenitsyn is enormous. These are mountains of books, articles, scientific works, dissertations, enthusiastic and polemical responses. It would seem that there is such scope for a wide variety of views, interpretations, aesthetic, philosophical and political interpretations of the role and place of the writer in the literary and socio-political life of the country and the world. In reality, however, there is not much diversity here. All this literature is neatly divided into two opposing categories. One is apologetics (if we are talking about the work of the “great writer of the Russian land” - genuflection and delight, if about his biography - the halo of a prophet and genius, not a biography, but a life). And another, the opposite: revelations, mockery, pamphlets, and even libels.

I decided to try to freshly, as Alexander Isaevich himself would put it, re-read what he had created, take in his gigantic artistic heritage a sober look, without the euphoria in which we all were when he appeared to us for the first time, but also without irritation, without prejudice caused by the transformation of a courageous fighter against tyranny into an “apostle of ignorance and panegyrist of Tatar morals,” a convinced reactionary who hates democracy and a rabid nationalist .

What picture opened up to me when I decided to make this attempt? The first thing that immediately caught my eye and, perhaps, most of all, was Alexander Isaevich’s complete inability to sober self-esteem, the inverted scale of the artistic values ​​he professed and preached.


And the split began - “bronzing”...


Most of all, this inverted scale of values ​​of his exposes the place that he assigned to “One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich” in comparison with his other works, already written at that time, and even more so with those that he was still planning to write.

Having finally decided to come out of hiding and give something of his own to a legal Soviet magazine, he chose this particular thing as the most harmless, the most “passable.” As for its literary and artistic merits, it did not at all seem to him to be such a great artistic success. He didn't even consider it a story. I thought it was a story. And he allowed it to be called a story, meeting the wishes of the editors. And not even very willingly: “They suggested that I should call the story a story for the sake of it - well, let it be a story...” (Alexander Solzhenitsyn. A calf butted with an oak tree. M., 1996, p. 28).

And to the appearance in the same “New World” of his two other stories (“Matrenin’s Dvor” and “The Incident at Krechetovka Station”) he reacted with the following remark: “There (in “Ivan Denisovich.” - Author) - the theme, but here - pure literature. Now let them judge!”

He would never have believed then - and then too (later - even more so!) - that “Ivan Denisovich” would remain his artistic pinnacle - the most harmonious, the most perfect of all his creations, all the tricked-out ones he had made throughout his long life multi-volume “knots”, “blocks” and “wheels”.

It was precisely these stillborn, anti-artistic, unreadable “knots” and “blocks” that form the gigantic multi-volume volume of his “Red Wheel” that he considered the main work of his life and his highest artistic achievement. In reality, it was a complete artistic failure. Even the first, most lively of these nodes of his - “August the Fourteenth” - and that could not be compared with his novels, based on his experiences, on his own, personal life experience: “In the first circle” and “Cancer building”. But even in these novels, he was already leaning heavily towards socialist realism, and it is no coincidence that the version of “The Circle” that he considered the main one turned out to be drier, more rational, and artistically poorer than the one that he disdainfully called the “Kinder version.”



There was a confession. But what did it give?


And in the end it turned out that only his “Ivan Denisovich” was from that great Russian literature, the messenger of which, a meteorite that fell to us from the sky, was then Alexander Isaevich for us.

The picture that emerged was first slow, and then more and more rapid, of the decline and impoverishment of his artistic gift.

“The Gulag Archipelago” does not seem to quite fit into this picture. Today, however, this creation of his is spoken of in a dismissive and derogatory tone. And not some rabid Stalinists, for whom this book of his books is like a bone in the throat, but those to whom, in terms of its goals and objectives, it seems to be vitally close: “It is worth noting that the project of the “GULAG Archipelago” itself as a book built mainly not on his own, but on other people’s testimonies and on other people’s manuscripts that do not rightfully belong to the author, he (we are talking about Shalamov. - Author) considered immoral...” (Valery Esipov. Shalamov (“ZhZL”). M., 2012, p. 263.). And - in the same place: “...A book compiled from more than two hundred sources that did not rightfully belong to the author, and was written in great haste, with superficial editing of many texts”... (p. 305).

I don’t think such a tone would be appropriate in this case. And the meaning of this reproach is very doubtful. Even if, in fact, Alexander Isaevich included more than two hundred texts that did not belong to him in “Archipelago,” this in no way detracts from the significance and merits of this book of his, or the greatness of his civic feat.

But this is what happened to this book of his, a feat, when, at the height of our so-called “perestroika,” a stream of recently forbidden literature poured onto the pages of our magazines. Alexander Isaevich, whose arrival in the country liberated from totalitarian oppression we were all so waiting for, but he still did not come and did not come - from there, from his distant place overseas - announced that he forbids the publication of all his books in the new, free Russia until he “The Gulag Archipelago” was printed there.


Well, "Archipelago"? So what? This was the beginning of the end...


He thought - and he spoke about it more than once - that only the appearance of this book of his on open sale would be the most accurate indicator, an indisputable sign of the complete collapse of the inhuman Soviet regime, that for him it would be like the explosion of a hydrogen bomb...

And now it finally happened. Three volumes of Solzhenitsyn’s “Archipelago” were on all book trays in all Moscow underground passages. They were inexpensive - the publication was cheap, in paper covers. But the Muscovites crowding around those stalls glanced at these covers with an indifferent gaze: completely different books were in great demand back then. This was explained simply: camp theme was no longer forbidden, and not only about the “first circle” - about all the circles of Stalin’s hell one could then read in any newspaper...

In emigration, Alexander Isaevich became close to one of the pillars of Russian Orthodoxy in the West, Protopresbyter Alexander Schmemann. “He is dear to me,” he constantly said about this new friend of his.

In Father Alexander's diary, published after his death, Solzhenitsyn's name is mentioned on almost every page. And always - with delight, almost even kneeling. But - the further, the more and more significant reservations.


The prophet turned out to be. But was it appropriate...


Here is one of his entries: “Sunday, February 16, 1975... Yesterday all day, without stopping, I read - and read - “The Calf.” The impression is very strong, stunning, and even with a tinge of fright. On the one hand, this elemental strength, purposefulness, complete dedication, the coincidence of life and thought, pressure are admirable... You feel like a nonentity, incapable of a thousandth of such a feat... On the other hand, this constant calculation, tactics, presence is very frightening. cold and - for the first time I feel this way - cruel mind, reason, some kind of brilliant “savvy”, some kind of, I’m ready to say, Bolshevism inside out... I’m beginning to understand what he told me on the last evening in Zurich, or rather - in the mountains: “I am Lenin...” Such people really win in history, but they quietly begin to shiver from this kind of victory. All people who fall into his orbit are perceived as pawns of one, terribly intense pressure...

The further you go, the stronger this “who is not with me is against me”, no - not pride, not narcissism, but some kind of rapture of “total war”. Those who are not endowed with the same voluntarism should get out of the way so as not to dangle under their feet. With contempt. With anger. With intolerance. All this is on the other side of talent, all this is amazing, ingenious, but - like a missile, after the passage of which the victims, even their own, lie and howl in pain...” (Prot. Alexander Shmeman. Diaries 1973-1983. M., 2007, p. 151).

“All this is amazing, brilliant,” says (writes) Fr. Alexander. And then: “All this is on the other side of talent.” How to combine this? How can genius be “beyond talent”?


What are you dreaming about, cruiser Aurora?..


Easy to combine. “Beyond Talent” is about the talent of a writer and artist. And what is brilliant in Solzhenitsyn lies in a completely different area, in a different sphere of life. This frenzied determination of Solzhenitsyn, in which his notorious genius was expressed, was not just incompatible with his artistic gift. Ultimately, it was she who distorted, crushed, and then destroyed his considerable artistic gift...

Benedikt SARNOV, Grani.Ru

Along the way

Again I interrupt my notes for the diary of censor Golovanov. Only on November 14, from a conversation with the editor-in-chief of Goslitizdat A.I. Puzikov, he learned the details of Tvardovsky’s conversation with Khrushchev, which cemented the stunning decision - to publish the “camp story.” His brief entry is interesting because it shows what information the censorship had about us on that day.

14. X.62. I had a business conversation with Comrade Puzikov. Tv[ardovsky] – Khr[ushchev]

Question I: Solzhenitsyn (maybe!)

Question II: Zoshchenko (V. Kaverin). (Thinks.)

Question III: Terkin is in hell (you have to think about it). Regarding the cult... (data available).

“Two editors: me and C[ensor]. (We need to think about it.)

Reference

While I was at the censor class on November 16, at approximately 16.00, a courier from the magazine “New World” arrived at Glavlit of the USSR to formalize the publication of the magazine. No. 11 – 1962. Publication was authorized immediately.

3.XI.1962.

Signed for seal No. 11.

In the room:

A. Solzhenitsyn. One day of Ivan Denisovich.

Victor Nekrasov. On both sides of the ocean.

Poems by E. Mezhelaitis, S. Marshak.

Articles by K. Chukovsky (“Marshak”), V. Lakshin (“Trust.” About the stories of P. Nilin), A. Dementiev.

Reviews by M. Roshchin, I. Solovyova and V. Shitova, L. Zonina and others.

16.XI. 62– “signal” No. 11, 1962.

20.XI. There is talk all around about Solzhenitsyn. The first reviews appeared. In the evening issue of Izvestia on November 18, an article by K. Simonov, in Pravda, V. Ermilov writes that Solzhenitsyn’s talent is “Tolstian power.”

Were with I.A. Satsem in Peredelkino, visited M.A. there. Lifshits, had dinner with him. “In those unfree conditions that Solzhenitsyn shows,” argues Lifshits, “free “socialist labor” became possible.” If I wrote an article about this story, I would definitely remember Lenin’s “Great Initiative,” says M.A. either seriously or with irony.

“The question of the relationship between ends and means is perhaps the main question that now occupies everyone in the world.”

I also visited Marshak these days. After his illness, he lies in an unbuttoned white shirt, breathes heavily, rises from the pillows and talks, talks incessantly. He also talks about Solzhenitsyn, calling him either Solzhentsev or Solzhentsov (“this Solzhentsev, my dear…”).

“In this story, the people spoke for themselves, the language is completely natural.” He also talked about the educational effect of good literature - from Solzhentsev you can find out how a prisoner’s whole day goes, what they eat and drink in the camp, etc. But this was already a little small. “Darling, why doesn’t he come to me? After all, it seems that he was with Akhmatova? So bring him to me."

Once recently, Marshak spent the whole evening telling me about Gorky: about his acquaintance with him at Stasov’s dacha, about the differences later, and about Gorky’s support for their cause - the Leningrad edition of Detizdat. “Gorky knew how to charm. He sucked everything out of a person and then lost interest in him.”

“Tell me what’s going on in the magazine,” Marshak asked. – In 1938 or ’39, Tvardovsky and I dreamed of starting our own magazine. As I now understand, it was supposed to be “New World”... The magazine should be kept in such a way that each section could grow into a separate magazine.”

In the coming days after the publication of No. 11, the next Plenum of the Central Committee took place. The printing house was asked to supply 2,200 copies of the magazine in order to sell it at kiosks at the Plenum.

Someone joked: “They won’t discuss the report, everyone will read Ivan Denisovich.” The excitement is terrible, people are tearing the magazine out of their hands, there are queues in libraries for it in the morning.

From the diary of the censor B.C. Golovanov

Materials No. 12 g. "New World".<…>

At approximately 1:00 p.m., the magazine's editorial secretary, Comrade Zaks, called and told me that Comrade Polikarpov had called Tvardovsky and expressed consent from the CPSU Central Committee to print an additional 25,000 copies of No. 11 of the New World magazine.

I immediately reported this to the head of the department(t?) Semenova, and she, in turn, reported this to Comrade Romanov in my presence by telephone.

Then I received an explanation: “Concerning the consent of the CPSU Central Committee given by Comrade Polikarpov, this is a matter for the editors; indicating an additional circulation of 25,000 in the output data is also a matter for the editors. The permission of the CPSU Central Committee regarding the additional circulation of 25,000 will be verified.

All these points were explained to me by Comrade. To Zachs.

Late November 1962

It was evening at Zaks's on Aeroportovskaya Street. We sat closely in the kitchenette.

Tvardovsky told me that Solzhenitsyn visited him the other day and brought new story about the war. When he talked about this, he even closed his eyes with pleasure. Alexander Trifonovich is simply in love, he keeps repeating: “What a guy he is! He knows the price of everything very well. It’s amazing how in his own province he feels so precisely what is good and what is bad in literary life" They agreed on their attitude towards Paustovsky’s latest works, with whom Alexander Trifonovich is still annoyed. Trifonich was delighted that Solzhenitsyn spoke about the “Throw to the South” in almost the same words that he himself: “I thought it would be a civil war, battles with Wrangel, the seizure of Crimea, but it turns out that it was the author who rushed from Moscow to Odessa taverns and to the beaches."

Another thing that struck Solzhenitsyn was that when he was at Tvardovsky’s, they brought a newspaper with Simonov’s article about him. He glanced briefly and said: “Well, I’ll read this later, let’s talk better.” Alexander Trifonovich was surprised: “But how? This is the first time they’ve written about you in the newspaper, and you don’t even seem interested?” (Tvardovsky even saw coquetry in this.) And Solzhenitsyn: “No, they wrote about me before, in the Ryazan newspaper, when my team won the championship in cycling.”

Solzhenitsyn told Tvardovsky: “I understand that I cannot waste time. We need to take on something big.”

Tvardovsky praises his new story, but won’t let him read it yet. “There are some hangnails there. We need to pick them up."

Alexander Trifonovich’s paternal feeling was hurt by D., who met him on the stairs at the Writers’ Union and asked: “Well, will you publish Solzhenitsyn’s new story?” - “How do you know about him?” “Solzhenitsyn has friends in Moscow,” D. said cheerfully.

“I thought that his main friends were in the New World,” Alexander Trifonovich lamented, “but it turns out that we are clampers, censors, and his friends are Kopelev and his company.

About L. Kopelev, whom many talk about as the discoverer of “Ivan Denisovich,” Solzhenitsyn told Tvardovsky that he noticed to him, after reading the story in manuscript for the first time, about the scene of the prisoners’ work - “this is in the spirit of socialism. realism." And about the second story - “A village is not worth it without a righteous man”: “Well, you know, this is an example of how not to write.” Kopelev kept the manuscript for almost a year, not daring to hand it over to Tvardovsky. And then, after Solzhenitsyn’s insistence, he gave it as a matter of course to the prose department. “He came to me with some empty question, but didn’t tell me about this, the main thing,” A.T. was surprised, burning with frustration and jealousy. The manuscript was given to him by A.S. Berzer.

24.XI. 1962

Alexander Trifonovich said, relaying Solzhenitsyn’s stories to me: “Look carefully before discussing. But by the way, you are left with small pebbles; I already threw the cobblestones out of there.”

Tvardovsky read Solzhenitsyn’s play (“Candle in the Wind”) and told him: “Now you can appreciate my sincerity - I do not recommend publishing the play.”

“I’m thinking of talking about it with a specialist director,” Solzhenitsyn replied. “But he will say “great,” Tvardovsky retorted, “and will drag you into the wheel of amendments, alterations, additions, etc.”

A stream of “camp” manuscripts, not always of a high level, poured into the New World. V. Bokov brought his poems, then some Genkin. “I hope we don’t have to rename our magazine “Katorga and exile”,” I joked, and Tvardovsky repeats this joke at all intersections.

“Now all the good things will flow to us,” says Tvardovsky, “but so much opportunistic turbidity and dirt is beginning to attach itself to the “New World”, we need to be more careful.”

On the evening of the 24th we celebrated our victory at the Aragvi restaurant. Raising a glass to Solzhenitsyn, Alexander Trifonovich made the next toast to Khrushchev. “In our environment it is not customary to drink for leaders, and I would feel some awkwardness if I did it just like that, out of loyal feelings. But I think everyone will agree that we now have a real reason to drink to Nikita Sergeevich’s health.”

26.XI. 1962

In the morning in the editorial office there is a discussion of two stories by Solzhenitsyn.

Solzhenitsyn was very reluctant to make amendments, which, however, were proposed rather carefully and carefully by members of the editorial board. “We have a new Marshachok,” Alexander Trifonovich was angry at his stubbornness.

Everyone unanimously praised the first story. Tvardovsky suggested calling it “Matrenin’s Dvor” instead of “A village is not worthwhile without a righteous man.” “The title shouldn’t be so edifying,” argued Alexander Trifonovich.

“Yes, I have no luck with names,” Solzhenitsyn responded, however, quite good-naturedly.

They also tried to rename the second story. We and the author himself suggested “Green Cap”, “On Duty” (“Chekhov would have called it that,” Solzhenitsyn noted).

Everyone agreed that in the story “The Incident at Krechetovka Station” the motive of suspicion is implausible: the actor Tveritinov allegedly forgot that Tsaritsyn was renamed Stalingrad, and thereby ruined himself. Is this possible? Everyone knew Stalingrad.

Solzhenitsyn, defending himself, said that this was in fact what happened. He himself remembers these stations, near military rear areas, when he served in a convoy at the beginning of the war. But there was material, material - and the incident with the artist, which he learned about, illuminated everything for him.

I reproached Solzhenitsyn for some excesses of language, the arbitrary use of old words, such as “mantle”, “zelo”. And artificial ones - “venulo”, “menelo”. “You want to level me out,” he fumed at first. Then he agreed that some phrases were unsuccessful. – I was in a hurry with this story, but in general I love forgotten words. In the camp I came across volume III of Dahl’s dictionary, I went through it, correcting my Rostov-Taganrog language.”

Talking to me later in private, he extended his generosity so much that he even expressed a compliment: “And you have an ear for words.”

I told him about the meeting with Yu. Stein. “I have common acquaintances with everyone,” responded Alexander Isaevich, “even with Khrushchev. I shared a cell with his personal driver in 1945. He spoke well of Nikita.” And now people began to appear who recognized themselves in the story. Cavtorang Buynovsky is Burkovsky, he serves in Leningrad. The head of the Special Unit described in “Ivan Denisovich” works as a watchman at the “Gastronom”. He complains that he is being insulted and comes to his former prisoners with a quarter to talk about life.

He was found in Ryazan by K., who introduced himself to him as the son of a repressed man. I knew him from university.

“What kind of person is he?” – asked Solzhenitsyn. I said what I thought about him, and was about to confirm this with some episode, but Alexander Isaevich interrupted me: “That’s enough. It is important for me to know your opinion. Nothing more is needed."

He speaks quickly, briefly, as if he is constantly saving time on conversation.

28.XI. 1962

Tvardovsky was ironic about the response to Solzhenitsyn’s story that appeared in Literature and Life.

“This suffocating newspaper published a review by Dymshits, written as if on purpose in order to discourage people from the story... Not a single bright quote, not a reminder of any scene... Compares it with Dostoevsky’s “House of the Dead,” and even then inappropriately. After all, with Dostoevsky it’s the other way around: there, an exiled intellectual looks at the life of simple imprisoned people, but here everything is through the eyes of Ivan Denisovich, who, in his own way, sees the intellectual (Cesar Markovich).”

“And as Solzhenitsyn’s Tyurin says exactly this: after all, the year 37 is a reckoning for the expropriation of the peasantry in 1930.” And Alexander Trifonovich remembered his father: “What kind of fist is he? Unless the house has five walls. But I was threatened with expulsion from the party for concealing the facts of my biography - the son of a kulak exiled to the Urals.”

From the book 70 and another 5 years in service author Ashkenazi Alexander Evseevich

9. Incidental reading While I’m writing all this in fits and starts, I continue to read everything that comes my way. I decided to insert this part of the “Triptych” by Yakov Kozlovsky into both the “Personnel” section and the “Peter I” section. I Dream and meditation of Peter November 1714 from the 9th to the 10th: “I saw a dream: (a ship?) in green flags in

From the book Solzhenitsyn and the Wheel of History author Lakshin Vladimir Yakovlevich

Diaries and Incidental

From the author's book

Incidentally, in September 1962, I was not in the editorial office. Meanwhile, events developed as follows: between September 9 and 14, B.C. Lebedev in the south read aloud Solzhenitsyn's story N.S. Khrushchev and A.I. Mikoyan. September 15 (or 16) - called Tvardovsky home with the news that the story was for Khrushchev

From the author's book

Incidentally I will interrupt the diary for a later note. In the 70s, one of the heirs of Viktor Sergeevich Golovanov, the censor of the New World, gave me a notebook left by the deceased. On its cover it is written: “Notebook 1. Passage of materials on the magazine "New World" with

From the author's book

Incidentally, I interrupt my notes again for the diary of censor Golovanov. Only on November 14, from a conversation with the editor-in-chief of Goslitizdat A.I. Puzikov, he learned the details of Tvardovsky’s conversation with Khrushchev, which cemented the stunning decision - to publish the “camp report.”

From the author's book

Incidentally, we were still living in euphoria from the success of “One Day,” and the censorship was still wary of us after what happened. But in early December, N.S. Khrushchev unexpectedly visited the Moscow Union of Artists exhibition in Manege. Incited by V.A. Serov and other leaders of the Union of Artists, and perhaps

From the author's book

Related In the evening edition of Izvestia 29. III. 1963 V. Poltoratsky’s article “Matrenin’s yard and its surroundings” was published - the first, not counting Kozhevnikov’s review, response to Solzhenitsyn’s story.6. IV. 1963<…>We made an insert into the editorial for No. 4 - about “Matryona’s Dvor”. Censorship

From the author's book

Incidentally, the issue actually came out only at the end of January. The date 29.ХП.63, apparently, was given not according to the last, but according to the first sheet signed for printing. The censorship continued to do this, in accordance with special instructions, in order to disorient those readers, here and in the West,

From the author's book

Along the way<…>A.I. Todorsky, glorified in his book, had difficult fate. Lenin spoke about his pamphlet “A Year with a Rifle and a Plow” in 1920. After leaving the camp, Todorsky, himself a retired lieutenant general, spent useful work– wrote something that was not published anywhere at the time

From the author's book

Related At first glance, there was no consistency in the Literaturnaya Gazeta article. Praise for “meticulous quoting” and a few paragraphs later reproach the critic for “truncating quotes”; call themselves defenders of the story and its hero - and at the same time express dissatisfaction

From the author's book

Incidentally I didn’t write it down in my diary, but I remember this evening clearly. Busy with Ehrenburg's stories, I ran out late into the street, with difficulty caught a taxi and rushed to Zhuravlev Square, to the television theater, where I promised to appear an hour before the start. The fact is that the transmission, as in those

From the author's book

Incidentally A year later, I read M. Mikhailov’s essays “Moscow, 1964”, published in many countries, from which, it seems, his misadventures began: his trial, years in prison, then emigration to the West. In Mikhailov’s essays, a special chapter was devoted to our conversation . He handed over

From the author's book

Incidentally, the end of 1964 and the beginning of 1965 were marked for us by troubles around Tvardovsky’s article “On the occasion of the anniversary,” prepared for the opening of the 1st issue. In January, the magazine, founded in 1925, turned 40 years old.<…>Censorship marks in the article “On the occasion

With this article we open a series of articles dedicated to Nobel Prize laureates from Russia in the field of literature. We are interested in the question - for what, why and by what criteria is this award given, as well as why this award is not given to people who deserve it with their talent and achievements, for example, Leo Tolstoy and Dmitry Mendeleev.

Laureates of the Nobel Prize in Literature from our country in different years steel: I. Bunin, B. Pasternak, M. Sholokhov, A. Solzhenitsyn, I. Brodsky. It should be noted that with the exception of M. Sholokhov, all the rest were emigrants and dissidents.

In this article we will talk about the 1970 Nobel Prize winner writer Alexander Solzhenitsyn.

WHO IS ALEXANDER SOLZHENITSYN?

Alexander Solzhenitsyn is known to the reader for his works “In the First Circle”, “The Gulag Archipelago”, “ Cancer building", "One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich" and others.

And this writer appeared on our heads, thanks to Khrushchev, for whom SoLZHENITSYN (even the word “lie” is present in the surname itself) became another tool for dealing with the Stalinist past, and nothing more.

The pioneer of the “artistic” lie about Stalin (with the personal support of Khrushchev) was the former camp informer Solzhenitsyn, elevated to the rank of Nobel laureate in literature (see the article “Vetrov, aka Solzhenitsyn” in the Military Historical Journal, 1990, No. 12 , p. 77), whose books were published in mass editions during the period of “perestroika” at the direction of the treacherous leadership of the country to destroy the USSR.

This is what Khrushchev himself writes in his memoirs:


I am proud that at one time I supported one of Solzhenitsyn’s first works... I don’t remember Solzhenitsyn’s biography. I was reported before that he spent a long time in the camps. In the story mentioned, he proceeded from his own observations. I read it. It leaves a heavy impression, disturbing, but truthful. And most importantly, it disgusts what happened under Stalin... Stalin was a criminal, and criminals must be condemned at least morally. The strongest judgment is to brand them work of art. Why, on the contrary, was Solzhenitsyn considered a criminal?

Why? Because the anti-Soviet graphomaniac Solzhenitsyn turned out to be a rare find for the West, which in 1970 (moreover, this year was not chosen by chance - the year of the 100th anniversary of the birth of V.I. Lenin, as another attack on the USSR) was undeservedly awarded to the author " Ivan Denisovich" Nobel Prize in Literature is an unprecedented fact. As Alexander Shabalov writes in the book “The Eleventh Strike of Comrade Stalin,” Solzhenitsyn begged for the Nobel Prize, declaring:

I need this bonus as a step up in position, in battle! And the sooner I get it, the harder I’ll become, the harder I’ll hit!

And, indeed, the name of Solzhenitsyn became the banner of the dissident movement in the USSR, which at one time played a huge negative role in the liquidation of the Soviet socialist system. And most of his opuses first saw the light “over the hill” with the support of Radio Liberty, the Russian department of the BBC, Voice of America, Deutsche Welle, the Russian department of the State Department, the department of agitation and propaganda of the Pentagon, and the information department of the British MI.

And having done his dirty deed, he was sent back to Russia, destroyed by the liberals. Because even our enemies don’t need such traitors. Where he grumbled with the air of a “prophet” on Russian television with his “dissenting opinion” of the mafia Yeltsin regime, which no longer interested anyone and could change absolutely nothing.

Let's take a closer look at the biography, creativity, and ideological views of the writer A. Solzhenitsyn.

BRIEF BIOGRAPHY

Alexander Solzhenitsyn was born on December 11, 1918 in Kislovodsk, into a Cossack family. The father, Isaac (that is, in fact, his patronymic is Isaakovich, that is, he lied to everyone, saying everywhere, including in writing, that he was Isaevich) Semenovich, died hunting six months before the birth of his son. Mother - Taisiya Zakharovna Shcherbak - from the family of a wealthy landowner.

In 1939, Solzhenitsyn entered the correspondence department of the Moscow Institute of Philosophy, Literature, and History (some sources indicate literary courses at Moscow State University). In 1941, Alexander Solzhenitsyn graduated from the Faculty of Physics and Mathematics of Rostov University (enrolled in 1936).

In October 1941 he was drafted into the army, and in 1942, after training at the artillery school in Kostroma, he was sent to the front as commander of a sound reconnaissance battery. Awarded the Order of the Patriotic War, 2nd degree and the Red Star.

The book written by Solzhenitsyn’s first wife, Natalia Reshetovskaya, published in the Soviet Union, contains funny things: it turns out that in 1944-1945, Solzhenitsyn, being a Soviet officer, composed projects for the elimination of Stalin.

At the same time, he wrote his directives in letters and sent them to his friends. So he wrote directly - “Directive number one”, etc., and this is obvious madness, because then there was military censorship and every letter was stamped “Checked by military censorship.” For such letters then, in wartime, they were guaranteed to be arrested and therefore only a half-crazed person, or a person hoping that the letter would be read and sent from the front to the rear, could do such things. And these are not simple words.

The fact is that among the artillery batteries during the Great Patriotic War there were also instrumental reconnaissance batteries - sound metering, in one of which Solzhenitsyn served. This was the most reliable means of identifying enemy firing batteries. Sound meters deployed a system of microphones on the ground that received the acoustic wave from the shot, the signal was recorded and calculated, on the basis of which they obtained the coordinates of the enemy’s firing batteries, even in a battlefield heavily saturated with artillery. This made it possible, with good organization of troop control, to begin to suppress enemy batteries with artillery fire after one to three volleys of the enemy.

Therefore, sound recorders were valued, and in order to ensure the safety of their combat work, they were stationed in the near rear, and not on the front line, and especially not in the first line of trenches. They were placed so that they would not be near objects that could be subject to enemy air raids and artillery shelling. During the retreat, they were among the first to be taken out of the battle area; during the offensive, they followed the first line troops. Those. While doing their important work, they came into direct contact with the enemy in a combat situation only in some emergency cases, and to counter him they had only small arms - carbines and personal weapons of officers.

However, A.I. Solzhenitsyn was “lucky”: the Germans hit him, the front rolled back, control of the troops was lost for some time - the opportunity to show heroism presented itself. But it was not he who showed heroism, but the battery sergeant-major, who saved it and led it to the rear. War is paradoxical. If we talk specifically about the sound-metric battery, then the foreman’s actions were correct: he saved equipment and qualified personnel from useless death in a battle for which the sound-metric battery was not intended. Why this was not done by its commander Solzhenitsyn, who appeared at the battery location later, is an open question: “the war was written off” (there was no time for such trifles).

But this episode was enough for A.I. Solzhenitsyn: he realized that in the war for socialism, which was alien to him (he himself came from a clan of not the last rich people in Russia, although not from the main branch: on the eve of the First World War, his uncle owned one of the nine Rolls- Royces” who were present in the empire) may be killed, and then the “idée fixe” will not be fulfilled - a dream from childhood: to enter the history of world literature as Dostoevsky or Tolstoy of the 20th century. So A.I. Solzhenitsyn fled from the front to the Gulag in order to be guaranteed to survive. And the fact that he pawned his friend is a trifle against the background of saving the precious life of the future “great writer.” On February 9, 1945, he was arrested and on July 27 sentenced to 8 years in forced labor camps.

Natalya Reshetovskaya further describes Solzhenitsyn's arrest, where she was interrogated as a witness, and other people were also interrogated. One of the witnesses, a sailor, a young midshipman, testified that Solzhenitsyn accidentally met him on the train and immediately began to engage in anti-Stalin propaganda. To the investigator’s question: “Why didn’t you report it right away?” The midshipman replied that he immediately realized that in front of him was a madman. That's why I didn't report it.

He stayed in the camps from 1945 to 1953: in New Jerusalem near Moscow; in the so-called “sharashka” - a secret research institute in the village of Marfino near Moscow; in 1950 - 1953 he was imprisoned in one of the Kazakh camps.

In February 1953 he was released without the right to reside in the European part of the USSR and sent to “eternal settlement” (1953 - 1956); lived in the village of Kok-Terek, Dzhambul region (Kazakhstan).

On February 3, 1956, by decision of the Supreme Court of the USSR, Alexander Solzhenitsyn was rehabilitated and moved to Ryazan. Worked as a mathematics teacher.

In 1962, in the magazine “New World”, with the special permission of N.S. Khrushchev (!!!, which says a lot), the first story of Alexander Solzhenitsyn was published - “One day in the life of Ivan Denisovich” (the story “remade at the request of the editors”) Shch-854. One day of one prisoner"). The story was nominated for the Lenin Prize, which caused active resistance from the communist authorities.

In 1964, Nikita Khrushchev, the ideological inspirer and patron of A. Solzhenitsyn, was removed from power, after which Solzhenitsyn’s “star” in the USSR began to fade.

In September 1965, the so-called Solzhenitsyn archive came to the Committee state security(KGB) and by order of the authorities, further publication of his works in the USSR was stopped: already published works were confiscated from libraries, and new books began to be published through “samizdat” channels and abroad.

In November 1969, Solzhenitsyn was expelled from the Writers' Union. In 1970, Alexander Isaevich Solzhenitsyn won the Nobel Prize in Literature, but refused to travel to Stockholm for the award ceremony, fearing that the authorities would not allow him back to the USSR. In 1974, after the publication of the book “The Gulag Archipelago” in Paris (in the USSR, one of the manuscripts was seized by the KGB in September 1973, and in December 1973 the publication took place in Paris, which leads to interesting thoughts, given the fact that the head of the KGB at that time was Yu.V. Andropov, about whom we wrote in this article - http://inance.ru/2015/06/andropov/), the dissident writer was arrested. On February 12, 1974, a trial took place: Alexander Solzhenitsyn was found guilty of high treason, deprived of citizenship and sentenced to deportation from the USSR the next day.

Since 1974, Solzhenitsyn lived in Germany, in Switzerland (Zurich), and since 1976 in the USA (near the city of Cavendish, Vermont). Despite the fact that Solzhenitsyn lived in the United States for about 20 years, he did not ask for American citizenship. He rarely communicated with representatives of the press and the public, which is why he was known as a “Vermont recluse.” He criticized both the Soviet order and American reality. Over 20 years of emigration in Germany, the USA and France, he published large number works.

In the USSR, Solzhenitsyn's works began to be published only in the late 1980s. In 1989, in the same magazine “New World”, where “One Day...” was published, the first official publication of excerpts from the novel “The Gulag Archipelago” took place. On August 16, 1990, by decree of the President of the USSR, the Soviet citizenship of Alexander Isaevich (?) Solzhenitsyn was restored. In 1990, for his book “The Gulag Archipelago,” Solzhenitsyn was awarded the State Prize (of course, awarded by liberals who hated Soviet power). On May 27, 1994, the writer returned to Russia. In 1997 elected full member of the Academy of Sciences Russian Federation.

WHO ARE YOU, ALEXANDER SOLZHENITSYN - “THE GREAT WRITER” OR “THE GREAT TRAITOR” OF OUR HOMELAND?

The name of Alexander Solzhenitsyn has always caused a lot of heated debate and discussion. Some call and have called him a great Russian writer and active social activist, others - a fraud historical facts and a detractor of the Motherland. However, the truth is probably out there somewhere. The casket opens very simply: Khrushchev needed a scribbler who, without a twinge of conscience, could denigrate the successes that were achieved during the reign of Joseph Stalin. It turned out to be Alexander Solzhenitsyn.

For almost 20 years, Russian liberal ministers and officials openly called Solzhenitsyn to his face a great Russian writer. And he, even for the sake of decency, never objected to this. Likewise, he did not protest against the titles “Leo Tolstoy of the 20th century” and “Dostoevsky of the 20th century.” Alexander Isaevich modestly called himself “Antilenin.”

True, the true title of “great writer” in Russia was awarded only by Time. And, apparently, Time has already pronounced its verdict. It is curious that the lives of Tolstoy, Dostoevsky, and Chekhov are known quite well to literary scholars and historians. And if they argue about something, it’s over some points.

The reader can easily find out why, when and how our writers were subjected to government repression. When and in what editions were their books published? What was the real success (salesability) of these books? What kind of royalties did the authors receive? For example, with what funds did Chekhov buy the Melikhovo estate? Well, Solzhenitsyn’s life is full of scandals, outrageousness, triumphs and a sea of ​​white spots, and precisely at the most turning points of his biography.

But in 1974 Solzhenitsyn found himself not just anywhere, but in Switzerland, and then in April 1976 in the USA. Well, in the “free world” you don’t have to hide from the public and journalists. But even there, Solzhenitsyn’s life is known only in fragments. For example, in the summer of 1974, using royalties from the Gulag Archipelago, Solzhenitsyn created Russian public fund assistance to the persecuted and their families" to help political prisoners in the USSR (parcels and money transfers to places of detention, legal and illegal financial assistance to the families of prisoners).

"Archipelago" was published in a circulation of 50 thousand copies. The Soviet media at that time made jokes about the illiquid deposits of Solzhenitsyn’s books in Western bookstores. One of the secrets of Solzhenitsyn and the CIA is the ratio of copies of Solzhenitsyn’s books sold to the number of destroyed.

Well, okay, let's assume that all 50 thousand were sold. But what was the fee? Unknown.

It is curious that in the United States at the end of the twentieth century they came up with an analogue of the Soviet “Union of Writers” with its literary fund. That is, the writer teaches somewhere - at universities or in some training centers for aspiring writers. In this way, there is “feeding” of those who write works that are pleasing to Western states and business.

But Solzhenitsyn, unlike Yevtushenko and many others, did not teach anywhere. However, in 1976, he purchased an expensive 50-acre (!) estate in Vermont. Along with the estate, a large wooden house with furniture and other equipment. Nearby, Solzhenitsyn is building “for work” a large three-story house and a number of other buildings.

Solzhenitsyn's sons study in expensive private schools. Alexander Isaakovich (let's call him correctly) maintains a large staff of servants (!) and security guards. Naturally, their number and payment are unknown, if not classified. However, some eyewitnesses saw two karate champions on duty around the clock in his apartment in Switzerland.

But maybe rich Russian emigrants helped Solzhenitsyn? No! On the contrary, he helps everyone himself, establishes foundations, runs newspapers, such as Our Country in Buenos Aires.

“Where is the money, Zin?”

Oh! Nobel Prize! And here again the “top secret”: I received the award, but how much and where did it go?

The 1970 Nobel Prize was awarded to A. Solzhenitsyn - "For the moral strength gleaned from the tradition of great Russian literature" which he was awarded in 1974.

For comparison, Mikhail Sholokhov, awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature, received 62 thousand dollars in 1965 (it is known what he spent on - on the improvement of his native village of Vyoshenskaya). This is not even enough to buy an estate and build a house. And Alexander Isaakovich didn’t seem to be involved in business. So our “new Tolstoy” lived without Yasnaya Polyana and Mikhailovsky, but much richer than Lev Nikolaevich and Alexander Sergeevich. So who supported “our” “great writer”?

SOLZHENITSYN'S ANTI-PATRIOTISM

In May 1974, Solzhenitsyn said:

I will go to the USA, I will speak in the Senate, I will talk with the president, I want to destroy Fulbright and all the senators who intend to make agreements with the communists. I must get the Americans to increase pressure in Vietnam.

And so Solzhenitsyn proposes to “increase the pressure.” Kill a couple more million Vietnamese or start a thermonuclear war? Let's not forget that over 60 thousand Soviet military personnel and several hundred civilian specialists fought in Vietnam.

And Alexander Isaakovich shouted: “Come on! Let's!"

By the way, he several times called on the United States to destroy communism through nuclear war. Solzhenitsyn publicly stated:

The course of history has entrusted the leadership of the world to the United States.

Solzhenitsyn congratulated General Pinochet, who carried out a coup d'etat in Chile and killed thousands of people without trial in stadiums in Santiago. Alexander Isaakovich sincerely mourned the death of the fascist dictator Franco and called on the new Spanish authorities not to rush to democratize the country.

Solzhenitsyn angrily denounced American presidents Nixon and Ford for indulging and making concessions to the USSR. They say they are “not actively interfering in the internal affairs of the USSR”, and that “ Soviet people abandoned to the mercy of fate."

Intervene, Solzhenitsyn urged, Intervene again and again as much as you can.

In 1990 (by the new liberal authorities), Solzhenitsyn was restored to Soviet citizenship with the subsequent termination of the criminal case, and in December of the same year he was awarded the State Prize of the RSFSR for “The Gulag Archipelago.” According to the story of the press secretary of the President of the Russian Federation Vyacheslav Kostikov, during B. N. Yeltsin’s first official visit to the USA in 1992, immediately upon arrival in Washington, Boris Nikolayevich called Solzhenitsyn from the hotel and had a “long” conversation with him, in particular, about the Kuril Islands.

As Kostikov testified, the writer’s opinion was unexpected and shocking to many:

I studied the entire history of the islands from the 12th century. These are not our islands, Boris Nikolaevich. Need to give it away. But expensive...

But perhaps Solzhenitsyn’s interlocutors and journalists misquoted or misunderstood our great patriot? Alas, having returned to Russia, Solzhenitsyn did not renounce any of the words he had previously spoken. So, he wrote in “Archipelago” and other places about 60 million prisoners in the Gulag, then about 100 million. But, having arrived, he could find out from various declassified sources that from 1918 to 1990 in Soviet Russia was repressed by political reasons 3.7 million people. Dissident Zhores Medvedev, who wrote about 40 million prisoners, publicly admitted the mistake and apologized, but Solzhenitsyn did not.

A writer, like any citizen, has the right to oppose the existing government. You can hate Stalin, Khrushchev, Brezhnev, Putin, but at the same time not go over to the side of Russia’s enemies. Pushkin wrote offensive poems about Alexander I and was exiled. Dostoevsky participated in an anti-government conspiracy and went to hard labor. But in 1831, Alexander Sergeevich, without hesitation, wrote “Slanderers of Russia,” and Fyodor Mikhailovich, on the eve of the 1877 war, wrote the article “And once again that Constantinople, sooner or later, must be ours.” None of them betrayed their country.

And now in schools, between the portraits of Pushkin and Dostoevsky, portraits of Solzhenitsyn are hung. Shouldn't we go even further and hang portraits of Grishka Otrepiev, Hetman Mazepa and General Vlasov (the latter was considered a hero by A. Solzhenitsyn) in classrooms?

End of the article here:

Alexander Isaevich Solzhenitsyn was born on December 11, 1918 in Kislovodsk. After the tragic death of his father, in 1924, Solzhenitsyn moved with his mother to Rostov-on-Don, and from 1926 to 1936 he studied at school, living in poverty.

In elementary school, he was ridiculed for wearing a cross and not wanting to join the pioneers, and was reprimanded for attending church. Under the influence of the school, he sincerely accepted the communist ideology, and in 1936 he joined the Komsomol. In high school, I became interested in literature and began writing essays and poems; interested in history and social life. In 1937 he conceived a “great novel about the revolution” of 1917.

In 1936 he entered the Rostov state university. Not wanting to make literature my main specialty, I chose the Faculty of Physics and Mathematics. At the university he studied with excellent grades (a Stalin scholarship holder), continued literary exercises, and in addition to university studies, he independently studied history and Marxism-Leninism. He graduated from the university in 1941 with honors.

Alexander, after graduating from school and receiving an education at Rostov University, decided to devote himself to literature and came to the capital for this. He wanted to enter Moscow University, get a second education, and become a teacher. But the Great Patriotic War began. 1942

With the beginning of the Great Patriotic War, Solzhenitsyn was not immediately mobilized, since he was considered “limitedly fit” for health reasons. He actively sought a call to the front.

He sought assignment to an officer's school, and in April 1942 he was sent to an artillery school in Kostroma; in November 1942, he was released as a lieutenant and sent to Saransk, where a reserve regiment was located to form artillery instrumental reconnaissance divisions.

In the active army since February 1943.

And here he is, the son of Russia, already the commander of the sound reconnaissance battery of the 794th Separate Army Reconnaissance Artillery Division of the 2nd Belorussian Front, decisive, never giving up, persistent and stubborn.

In this position he was continuously at the front until February 1945. The combat route is from Orel to East Prussia. In November 1943 he received the rank of senior lieutenant, in June 1944 - captain. At the front, he kept war diaries, wrote a lot, and sent his works to Moscow writers for review. He was awarded the Order of the Patriotic War and the Red Star, but did not have time to receive them.

At the front, Solzhenitsyn continued to be interested in public life, but became critical of Stalin (for “distorting Leninism”); in correspondence with an old friend (Nikolai Vitkevich), he spoke abusively about “Godfather,” by whom Stalin was guessed, kept in his personal belongings a “resolution” drawn up together with Vitkevich, in which he compared the Stalinist order with serfdom and spoke about the creation of an “organization” after the war to restore the so-called “Leninist” norms. The letters aroused suspicion of military censorship, and in February 1945 Solzhenitsyn and Vitkevich were arrested

“The black emka delivered Captain Solzhenitsyn to headquarters,” according to the memoirs of Natalya Reshetovskaya. “You are under arrest.”

Moscow. Lubyanka. “Eight years of forced labor camps under articles 58-10 and 58-11, according to the resolution of the OSO NKVD of July 7, 1945.”

In June 1946, he was demanded into the special prison system of the 4th Special Department of the NKVD, in September he was sent to a special institute for prisoners (“sharashka”) at the aircraft engine plant in Rybinsk, five months later - to the “sharashka” in Zagorsk, in July 1947 - to a similar establishment in Marfino (near Moscow). He worked in his specialty as a mathematician.

In May 1950, due to a disagreement with the leadership of the Sharashka, Solzhenitsyn was transferred to Butyrki, and in August he was sent to Steplag, a special camp in Ekibastuz. Alexander Isaevich served almost a third of his prison camp term - from August 1950 to February 1953 - in the north of Kazakhstan. In the camp I worked in “general” work, for some time as a foreman, and took part in a strike.

These experiences greatly undermine Alexander's health. In the winter of 1952, Solzhenitsyn was diagnosed with cancer and was operated on in the camp. But he does not despair, because the end of his sentence, the end of his torment is soon. Released on February 13, 1953.

And here he is, the martyr son.

Lord, what Solzhenitsyn had to go through over the years! Everything: the number Shch-262, and the 3653 days of martyrdom, and the bullying of the guards, and the contempt of his relatives, and the divorce from his beloved wife - he will never forget. In conclusion, Solzhenitsyn became completely disillusioned with Marxism, over time he believed in God and leaned toward Orthodox patriotic ideas.

In August 1956, Solzhenitsyn returned from exile to Central Russia. Lives in the village of Miltsevo (Kurlovsky district, Vladimir region), where for two years he teaches mathematics at a village school and lives in the house of the peasant woman Matryona Zakharova, about whom he later wrote famous story"Matrenin's yard"

The author's title of the story is “A village is not worth it without a righteous man” - based on a Russian proverb. The story began at the end of July - beginning of August 1959 in the village of Chernomorskoye in western Crimea, where Solzhenitsyn was invited by friends through exile in Kazakhstan. The story was completed in December of the same year, and in 1963 it was published in the New World magazine. This story, as the author himself noted, is “completely autobiographical and reliable,” the narrator’s patronymic, Ignatich, is consonant with Solzhenitsyn’s patronymic, Isaevich.

Andrei Sinyavsky called this work the “fundamental thing” of all Russian “village” literature.

“In the summer of 1956, I was returning from the dusty hot desert - just to Russia. I just wanted to middle lane– without heat, with the leafy roar of the forest. I wanted to worm my way around and get lost in the most visceral Russia - if such a thing existed somewhere, lived,” - this is how Solzhenitsyn recalls his most long-awaited moments in the story “Matrenin’s Dvor.”

Who to give yourself to? What should I dedicate myself to? And then such a “interior Russia” was found - this is Matrenin’s yard.

Solzhenitsyn did not stay here long - only one academic year, but was able to see the whole life of Matryona Vasilyevna Zakharova, disfigured and crippled by power. I was able to comprehend the holiness of the soul that makes Matryona a person of the future.

Russia is rich not only in boundless open spaces, fertile lands, orchards, but also in extraordinary people, righteous people, gifted with pure, divine energy. They look at us with clear, deep eyes, as if they are looking into our souls, so much so that you can’t hide anything from them. The righteous sacrifice many of life's delights for the sake of purity of soul, and joyfully help those around them to overcome all adversity with dignity, emerge victorious from the struggle with themselves, and become spiritually cleansed. And no matter what they say about them, no matter how much one is surprised at their unpretentiousness, there will always be a place for such people on Russian soil, for they preach the truth.

Solzhenitsyn’s Matryona is the embodiment of the ideal of the Russian peasant woman. She resembles the biblical heroine Mary. Her appearance is like an icon, her life is like the life of a saint. Her house is pass-through symbolic image story - like the ark of the biblical righteous Noah, in which he is saved from the flood along with his family and pairs of all earthly animals in order to continue the human race. Matryona is a righteous woman. But her fellow villagers do not know about her hidden holiness; they consider the woman simply stupid, although it is she who preserves the highest features of Russian spirituality. Matryona did not complain about her life, she did not bother God, because he already knows what she needs. The life of a saint must end with a happy death, uniting her with God. However, the death of the heroine is bitterly absurd.

The death of the heroine symbolizes the cruelty and meaninglessness of the world in which she lived. The righteous peasant woman lived surrounded by unfriendly and selfish collective farmers. Their miserable and unhappy fate was not much different from the existence of camp prisoners. They lived according to traditional customs.

The story “Matrenin's Dvor” is impossible to read without tears. This sad story of a righteous peasant woman is not the author’s fiction. Solzhenitsyn trusts life and its creator - God - more than fiction. That is why the story is read with such empathy and pride: after all, there are still righteous people left on Russian land, without whom neither a village, nor a city, nor our entire land would stand.

Anna Andreevna Akhmatova spoke about “Matryona’s Yard” as follows:

“Yes, it’s an amazing thing. It’s amazing how they could publish it. It’s worse than “Ivan Denisovich.” There you can blame everything on a cult of personality, but here it’s not Matryona, but the whole Russian village that was hit by a steam locomotive and to pieces. The little things are also amazing. Remember - the old man’s black eyebrows, like two bridges meeting each other?. Have you noticed: his benches and stools are either alive or dead? And are the cockroaches rustling under the wallpaper? Do you remember? Like the distant sound of the ocean! and the wallpaper moves in waves. And what a wonderful page when he suddenly sees Matryona young and sees the whole village young, that is, as it was before the general ruin.”

As in the story “Matrenin’s Dvor”, in “Zakhara-Kalita” an important problem is raised: people do not feel like masters, the system turns a person into a “cog”. No power is needed, only the power of conscience. And although Zakhar is sometimes grumpy, distrustful, and sees a pest in everyone he meets, he does his job honestly, his soul cares for a place that is sacred to the Russian people, the memory of which every generation must pass on to its descendants.

What does he get for it?

“Twenty-seven rubles,” when “the minimum is thirty.”

Wow, what Russia has come to!

And Solzhenitsyn is still tormented because he is unable to open people’s eyes to what is happening in Russia

The era of Stalinism became one of the most terrible periods in the history of our country. The totalitarian regime subjugated the will, feelings, freedom and even life common man. Our Motherland was imprisoned in one large camp, where innocent people languished and suffered. The system of human suppression turned the inhabitants of a great country into cogs in a merciless Stalinist machine.

Solzhenitsyn reveals the entire essence of the totalitarian system in the story “One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich” about the life of the Gulag. It was conceived for general works in the Ekibastuz special camp in the winter of 1950-1951.

“In 1950, on one long winter camp day, I was carrying a stretcher with my partner and thought: how to describe our whole camp life? In fact, it is enough to describe just one day in detail, in the smallest detail, moreover, the day of the simplest worker, and our whole life will be reflected here. And there is no need to intensify any horrors, it is not necessary for this to be some kind of special day, but an ordinary one, this is the very day from which years are formed. I thought like this, and this idea remained in my mind; I didn’t touch it for nine years, and only in 1959, nine years later, did I sit down and write. I didn’t write it for long, just about forty days, less than a month and a half. It always turns out this way if you write from a dense life, the way of life of which you know too much, and not only that you don’t have to guess at something, try to understand something, but you just fight off unnecessary material, just so that the unnecessary stuff doesn’t creep in , but to accommodate the most necessary things,” recalls Solzhenitsyn. The author believes that it is necessary to show one day of one unremarkable prisoner. “And everything will be,” adds Solzhenitsyn.

The story was written in 1959 in Ryazan, where he was then a teacher of physics and astronomy at school and was actively involved in creativity.

The image of Ivan Denisovich was formed from the appearance and habits of the soldier Shukhov, who fought in Solzhenitsyn’s battery during the Soviet-German war (but was never imprisoned), from the general experience of the post-war flow of “prisoners” and personal experience the author in the Special Camp as a mason. The rest of the characters in the story are all taken from camp life, with their true biographies.

In his work, Solzhenitsyn reveals the horror of the totalitarian system using the example of the most ordinary camp, which does not stand out among others. Main character story - Shukhov is also a typical camp inmate; with the same typical fate. But this simplicity and routine makes the picture depicted by Solzhenitsyn become extremely realistic and scary. The story recreates the tragedy of an entire country, all of whose peoples experience the cruelty of totalitarianism. In the camp there are Estonian fishermen, a Latvian mason, a Ukrainian peasant, a resident Russian outback Shukhov. Solzhenitsyn is keen to emphasize that this tragedy affected all levels of society. In one barrack live the Moscow film director Tsezar Markovich, captain of the second rank Buinovsky, director of a large enterprise Fetyukov, peasant Shukhov, and bricklayer Kildigs. The system is merciless to everyone without exception.

In the Gulag there is a sophisticated system of suppressing everything human in people. It is impossible to calmly read about how much abuse each prisoner endures. A person’s life under a camp regime often depends only on the mood of the guard. Prisoners are deprived of the most basic rights; they are trying to turn them into a faceless gray mass. A person in a camp is deprived of the right even to proper name and last name. Instead, each camp inmate has a number. The number is a mark that any one of those who ended up in Stalin’s camps has. The prisoner here waits every second for something terrible, disastrous for himself. Not everyone can withstand this, many break, but most try to stay in the camp human face. What bitter but courageous words the first foreman of Ivan Denisovich speaks: “Here, guys, the law is the taiga. But people live here too.” That’s why they hate so much in the camp the informers who buy their right to life at the cost of the suffering of others. People like Fetyukov, who licks bowls in the dining room, are surrounded with contempt. People are deliberately turned into a herd, but people resist. He knows that no one has ever left the camp walls. When a prisoner's sentence expired, he was given a new one. However, people cannot live without hope, without faith in themselves.

The heroes of Solzhenitsyn’s story do not deserve even a thousandth of what the totalitarian regime does to them. It is enough to remember with what passion Ivan Denisovich and Kildigs carry out the laying of a working man. They were simply not used to working poorly, but at first such workers all over the country pulled wire to fence off the place of future work. This is exactly what the prisoners do when they build the Social Town in the snowy taiga. This is the kind of “socialism” the totalitarian system has prepared for the people!

Ivan Denisovich Shukhov lived that day happily. Such is the fate of a person in a state where happiness is an extra portion of gruel and a little tobacco. Shukhov went to work sick, but did not die; he could have ended up in a punishment cell, but he did not. Solzhenitsyn writes: “Shukhov fell asleep completely satisfied. He had a lot of luck today.” Ivan Denisovich’s luck cannot be understood by thinking about that time from the perspective today. You need to feel the terrible meaning of the phrase: “The day passed, unclouded, almost happy.” Nothing terrible or cruel happened to the person, so the day can be called happy. One day in Shukhov’s life is the embodiment of the fate of the entire unfortunate country in the era of totalitarianism.

Solzhenitsyn's story is deeply true. It's written by a man, okay those who know life The Gulag, which shared the common tragedy of the entire people. The inhuman totalitarian system is revealed to us in all its barbarity.

Korney Ivanovich Chukovsky called “Ivan Denisovich” a “literary miracle” in his internal review: “With this story a very strong, original and mature writer entered literature”; "a wonderful depiction of camp life under Stalin."

And indeed, it was not only Word and Deed. The story, published in the magazine “New World” in 1962, brought him worldwide fame and was a sensational success. Soon after the story was published, Solzhenitsyn was accepted into the USSR Writers' Union. All Soviet newspapers published laudatory reviews for several months, comparing the writer with Dostoevsky and Tolstoy. And even his book was nominated for the Lenin Prize for 1964 (as a result of a vote of the Prize Committee, the proposal was rejected). But that’s where the writer’s official success, which began so quickly, ended. Seeing the effect produced by “Ivan Denisovich” among the people, the authorities began to urgently call the quits. The danger for the authorities was in the scale of the writer’s talent, in the moral impact of “Ivan Denisovich” on readers. The image of a rural Russian peasant rose from the pages of the story as a generalized image of the people and, without letting go, appealed to human conscience, to responsibility for the great crime and to repentance.

Anna Andreevna Akhmatova, after reading the story, said to Lydia Korneevna Chukovskaya: “Every citizen of all two hundred million citizens of the Soviet Union must read and memorize this story.” Yes, this story is truly a great literary heritage!

Solzhenitsyn's stories stood out sharply against the background of the works of that time for their artistic merit and civic courage. This was emphasized by many at that time, including writers and poets.

The fact is that in Russia Solzhenitsyn could not be just a man with his own worldview, living according to the laws of his God. No, he is obliged to expel Him from his soul, and into the resulting void, move Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin, like into a communal apartment, and turn them into his religion. And he couldn't do that.

“So the circle is closed? And there really is no way out?” But the author believes that “the simplest, most accessible key to our liberation is personal non-participation in lies! Let the lie cover everything, let the lie control everything, but at the very beginning we will be stubborn: let it rule not through me.”

He believes, but with every step he feels the day of expulsion from the Writers' Union approaching. And he knows that after this there will come powerlessness and defenselessness. Indeed, in 1969 Solzhenitsyn was nominated for the Nobel Prize in Literature. The prize was not awarded to him, but soon after that he was expelled from the Union of Writers of the USSR. After his expulsion, Solzhenitsyn began to openly declare his Orthodox patriotic beliefs and sharply criticize the authorities.

Reading into the memoirs of Galina Vishnevskaya: “I go into the house on the bed in the bedroom, there is some kind of knot lying. What kind of knot is this? It turns out that this is an old black padded jacket, quilted like a camp jacket, worn to holes.”

Is this really how Alexander Isaevich carries his precious property from place to place, never parting with it, and, having gone through his hard labor, does not allow himself to forget it?

His past path was immediately clearly imagined, and aching pity for this great man filled his soul.

God grant, even like Solzhenitsyn, to be a martyr, but to remain a persistent man, the son of a not always just Russia, because Alexander Isaevich “can be brought to his knees, like Ivan Denisovich, but it is difficult to humiliate.”

It’s difficult, but they tried! They tried to “kick him out” from Russian literature, they tried to shut his mouth, but he found a way out. A way out that helped Solzhenitsyn continue his activities. He emigrated. And there - a warm welcome, recognition and the Nobel Prize, which was awarded to him in 1970 “for the moral strength with which he followed the immutable traditions of Russian literature” (proposed by Francois Mauriac).

He was also awarded the Templeton Prize in 1983 “for progress in the development of religion.”

In April 1976, he and his family moved to the United States and settled in the town of Cavendish (Vermont). He continued to engage in creative work and rarely communicated with representatives of the press and the public, which is why he was known as a “Vermont recluse.”

But it’s a shame for Russia. Because his works appeared for the first time there, abroad.

Russia, why? Why are you doing this to your son? For what? He was just trying to open people's eyes. I tried and I succeeded. I was able to, but far from the Motherland, far from us. And now lines from his works “The Gulag Archipelago”, “In the First Circle”, “Cancer Ward” reach us, like lines from life:

What does this mean – standing for the truth!

Sit for the truth!

And finally, Russia realized her mistake, she realized that she had committed stupidity by rejecting her son, the great son of Russia.

With the advent of perestroika, the official attitude in the USSR towards Solzhenitsyn’s work and activities began to change, and many of his works were published.

On September 18, 1990, simultaneously in “ Literary newspaper" And " Komsomolskaya Pravda“An article by Solzhenitsyn was published about the ways of reviving the country, about the reasonable, in his opinion, foundations for building the life of the people and the state - “How can we develop Russia? Strong considerations." The article developed Solzhenitsyn’s long-standing thoughts, expressed earlier in his “Letter to the Leaders of the Soviet Union,” the article “Repentance and Self-Restraint as Categories of National Life,” and other prose and journalistic works. Solzhenitsyn donated the royalties for this article to the victims of the Chernobyl nuclear power plant accident. The article caused huge amount responses.

In 1990, Solzhenitsyn was restored to Soviet citizenship.

Together with his family, he returned to his homeland on May 27, 1994, flying from the USA to Vladivostok, traveling by train across the country and ending the trip in the capital. Performed in State Duma RF. In 1997 he was elected a full member of the Russian Academy of Sciences.

Russia tried to return Solzhenitsyn to his homeland, restore his good name and present him with a high award, but Solzhenitsyn refused all honors. Thus, in 1998 he was awarded the Order of St. Andrew the First-Called - for outstanding services to the Fatherland and great contribution to world literature, however, he refused the award: “I cannot accept the award from the supreme power that brought Russia to its current disastrous state.” This is his greatness, the greatness of one for whom fame is not important, but understanding and love are important. This is what Russia needs too.

He was also awarded the Great Gold Medal named after M.V. Lomonosov of the Russian Academy of Sciences - for his outstanding contribution to the development of Russian literature, the Russian language and Russian history (1998).

Awarded the Grand Prize of the French Academy of Moral and Political Sciences (2000), the Order of St. Sava, 1st degree (the highest award of the Serbian Orthodox Church; awarded on November 16, 2004), State Prize of the Russian Federation for outstanding achievements in the field of humanitarian activities (2006).

On June 12, 2007, President Vladimir Putin visited Solzhenitsyn and congratulated him on being awarded the State Prize.

Awarded the Zivko and Milica Topalović Foundation Prize (Serbia) 2007 (presented on March 7, 2008): “to the great writer and humanist whose Christian truthfulness gives us courage and consolation”, Grand Cross of the Order of the Star of Romania (2008, posthumously).

Soon after the writer returned to the country, an annual literary prize Alexander Solzhenitsyn, whose laureates were famous scientists, writers, filmmakers, “whose work has high artistic merit, contributes to self-knowledge of Russia, and makes a significant contribution to the preservation and careful development of the traditions of Russian literature.”

He spent the last years of his life in Moscow and at a dacha near Moscow. Shortly before his death, he was ill, but continued to engage in creative activities. Together with his wife Natalya Dmitrievna, president of the Alexander Solzhenitsyn Foundation, he worked on the preparation and publication of his most complete 30-volume collected works. After a major operation he underwent, only his right hand was functional.

“One defeated hero was lying face down on the top of his head - native land, dropping the daring head on her, scattering his arms and legs in oblique fathoms. There was sorrow in his proneness.” This is a wonderful image of the great son of Russia.

So who is it? Eternal Zakhar-Kalita? Or maybe the eternal Alexander Isaevich Solzhenitsyn, from whom they could not take away the immortality to which he is doomed?

The enormous significance of Solzhenitsyn as a writer and person in history Russian state, respect and sincere love for him are confirmed in various reviews, assessments of the writer’s creativity and activities.

Literary critic Lev Anninsky: “In the place of the writer, it’s not enough to say - a historian, but also a prophet, and also political practitioner: the essay was launched like a battering ram into totalitarian state. And if so, then the responsibility is different. Tolstoy pierced Russia " Caucasian prisoner", but he was not responsible for the outcome Caucasian War. The author of the Gulag, who by all accounts almost single-handedly overthrew the System, had to answer. For the collapse of a great state. For the collapse of the Union. For the rampant passions that led to this. How to answer when you yourself are horrified by this collapse, and also by Western democracy, according to whose patterns all this was cut. Give advice? He gave - elementary in essence and difficult to implement in the practice of a crazy age: to live not by lies, to equip the country from below, to change the geopolitical vector from the southwest to the northeast and, moreover, to save the people, instilling in them self-restraint. The country politely listened to the prophet - both the exiled one and the one who returned, greeted with delight, but the country could not get rid of that inescapable spiritual “revelry”, after which the ruins have to be rebuilt anew.”

Valentin Rasputin: “He was a truly powerful figure. Both in literature and in public life he was one of the most powerful figures in the entire history of Russia. Now that he is gone, this is understood especially. One man challenged a huge system - and won. No one, be it the most famous personalities in art, science and politics, there was no such enormous lifetime fame and popularity as Alexander Isaevich. These days the whole world should gasp in sorrow - a great moralist, fair man, and talent is gone.”

Mikhail Gorbachev, first president of the USSR: “His books - “One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich”, “The Gulag Archipelago” - these are the books that helped people see what this regime really meant. We should be grateful to Alexander Isaevich for his contribution to making our country free and democratic. Alexander Solzhenitsyn - great man, who was one of the first to raise his voice against the Stalinist regime in defense of the people who were its victims. Few can compare with him in what he accomplished in his life.”

Yuri Lyubimov, director: “Solzhenitsyn was the criterion of our life, he was our Homer. The entire biography of Alexander Isaevich speaks of his extraordinary courage. Having gone through camps and terrible trials, he did not lose hope and faith in a better fate for Russia. Until the end, he maintained clarity of mind and, despite a serious illness, until the last minute he continued to think, compose and write about “how to better develop Russia.”

In conclusion, I came to certain conclusions.

Alexander Isaevich in his works told us the cruel truth about the history of the state in which we live. There are no works left in either Russian or world literature that would pose a great danger to the Soviet regime. These books revealed his entire essence. The veil of lies and self-deception that still obscured the eyes of many of our fellow citizens was subsiding.

The twentieth century has come to its end. It was probably the most rapid and unique century in the entire history of mankind. The writer showed us all the instability and complexity of the relationship between man and the state. But the man managed to survive and gain hope for the future.

Why does Solzhenitsyn’s work attract me? Insight, truthfulness, expressed in the boundless filial love for the Motherland, in the way his soul aches for everything that happens in Russia. A writer, a historian, he always warns us: don’t get lost in history. “They will tell us: what can literature do against the ruthless onslaught of open violence? And let’s not forget that violence does not live alone and is not capable of living alone: ​​it is certainly intertwined with lies,” wrote Solzhenitsyn, “but we need to take a simple step: do not participate in lies. Let this come into the world and even reign in the world, but not through me. More is available to writers and artists: defeat lies! I believe that Solzhenitsyn was the kind of writer who defeated lies.

Alexander Isaevich valued time very much. He often repeated: “Every day you must imprint your actions on the path of life.” His actions, his imprints on life path ran across the entire planet. The national Russian writer has long become a planetary writer, whose surname echoes the name Russia in all parts of the globe.